d. john of austria wished to make up for his delay in starting by the haste with which he accomplished the journey, and so rapidly did he make it, and so arduous was it, that with his usual good humour he could with reason write to his great friends the conde de orgaz and d. rodrigo de mendoza, "octavio is very stiff, and the same would your lordships have been, if you had slept as little, hurried as much, and gone through all that we have, which made us often call out, ah! d. rodrigo! ah! conde de orgaz!"
on the 20th of october he wrote to the king from ventosa; and again on the 24th from irun, to announce that he was crossing the frontier alone with octavio gonzaga, as he had left honorato de silva ill at fuenterrabia. on the 31st, at six in the morning, he wrote from paris, complaining of the dreadful roads and bad horses, and of having journeyed two days with a french merchant, who had given him his trunk to carry for three stages, being quite taken in by his disguise of servant. on the 3rd of november they at last reached luxemburg at night, from where he wrote first to the council in brussels, which held the temporary government, representing the senate, and afterwards to the spanish soldiers, notifying them of his arrival and the command he brought from the king. he wrote also to d. philip, telling him of the dreadful disorder of these provinces, of the complete isolation of his servants, friends and partisans, and the difficulties which offered themselves with regard to handing over the command to him.
in truth, the arrival of d. john could not have been at a more difficult or dangerous time. on the 3rd of november, the day he first trod flemish soil, antwerp was taken, and its horrible sack by the spanish and german troops took place. these furious and mutinous men then took in a cruel and evil way the pay which the council of brussels maliciously held back from them. the council, terrified, authorised all citizens to arm themselves, and ordered the expulsion of all foreign troops from the states. at this juncture d. john's letters reached the council in brussels and the victorious and mutinous troops at antwerp. these obeyed at once, laying down their arms as their beloved and respected general ordered, and there was great rejoicing among them that he had come as governor and captain-general. but the council was divided within itself, some refusing to hand over the command to d. john; others feared such disobedience against the authority of the king, and they were only agreed in asking the advice of william the silent, prince of orange, the oracle and shrewd instigator of all these more or less disguised rebels.
the answer of orange was precise: liberty bought at the price of so much blood could not be given up by making over the command to d. john of austria; and if the council lacked the courage to retain it, they were first "with pride and arrogance" to exact from d. john that he would confirm on oath the "pacification of ghent," one of whose articles was the expulsion of all foreign troops from flemish soil. this "pacification of ghent" was in itself an act of rebellion and independence, for it was resolved upon at a peace conference between the prince of orange and the council of brussels, as provisional government, in the name of the king, but without the knowledge or authority of philip ii.
the council agreed to the latter part of orange's answer, not having the courage to oppose d. john openly, and sent it to him by the senator iskio; but couched in such haughty and insolent language that the ambassador was in difficulties, not knowing which to fear the more—the wrath of the senate, if he refused to take it, or the anger of d. john, if he did. he took counsel of a guest in his house, who said, "take my advice, iskio, for this gordian knot use the sword of alexander: when you are alone with the austrian, draw the steel with dexterity, and bury it in the body of this man who is fraudulent and baneful to flanders. by his death you will free yourself from his annoyance, and will be certain of the thanks of the states." iskio understood with horror that this was the general wish in flanders, and resolved to take the message to d. john on his own account, softening its terms as much as possible. but such was the dignity and politeness of d. john in giving his refusal, and such the graciousness of his reception of iskio, understanding his good intentions, that the messenger, completely subjugated and full of enthusiasm, warmly praised d. john to the senate when he returned to brussels, which brought him insults and bad treatment from many, and, over-excited by such conflicting emotions, in a few days he went mad.
his arguments, however, had impressed the council, and they decided to send d. john a second message by john funk, this time a very respectful and courteous one, begging him to deign to ratify the "peace of ghent." d. john answered with equal politeness that he must have time to think it over and to study thoroughly the eighteen articles of the said convention: he suspected that there might be something against the catholic religion, and wished to submit it to the opinion of theologians. d. john was also very perplexed about the expulsion of the spanish troops, and on this subject asked the opinion of the only two confidential advisers he had there, octavia gonzaga and juan de escovedo.
gonzaga replied at once without hesitation, as a man full of an idea who takes the opportunity of displaying it, that he thought that it was neither prudent nor seemly to send away the spanish regiments; it was not seemly, as the governor was the king's representative, and he should submit to no conditions save those imposed by the king; it was not prudent, because once the soldiers had left flanders, the royal authority and the person of d. john, who represented it, would be helpless, alone and without support in this country of shameless rebels, secret enemies and lukewarm friends who could, with impunity, laugh at the one and ruin the other whenever they wished. escovedo, on the other hand, thought that the spanish regiments should leave flanders as soon as possible, because the king wished for peace at all costs, giving in to everything which was not against religion or the royal authority; and the expulsion of the spaniards was against neither the one nor the other, and was necessary to obtain peace in the actual state of affairs. it also seemed to him that the noble confidence with which d. john placed himself in the hands of the flemings would oblige them the more to act loyally, and in the opposite case that gonzaga imagined, they were not so badly off for german troops that they would not be able to resist, nor the spaniards so far off that they could not return there in time. escovedo also urged secretly, and pressed d. john with this other argument; if, as the council believed, the expulsion of the spanish regiments would assure the peace of flanders, they could at once undertake the expedition to england and use these famous and dreaded troops, as philip ii remarked in a letter written from the pardo which d. john received from him just then.
d. john pondered over and weighed these arguments. he could clearly see that gonzaga was thinking of the dignity of spain and escovedo of his own golden dream, the expedition to england, and he did not dare to decide for himself, fearing lest his own wish and feelings should carry him away, so he loyally submitted it for philip ii to decide. at the same time he sent the opinions of four bishops, twelve abbots, fourteen theologians eminent in offices and dignities, nine doctors and professors, and five jurists of louvain, that there was nothing prejudicial to religion or the royal authority in the eighteen articles of the "peace of ghent."
meanwhile deputations of the clergy and nobility of those parts, who publicly acknowledged themselves loyal to spain and philip ii, came to welcome d. john in luxemburg, and these also urged that the spanish troops should be dismissed as soon as possible, adding arguments and proposals, warnings, and presumptuous, even rude advice, which clearly showed to what an extent the very name of spain was distasteful and even hated in flanders. on one of these deputations came the bishop of arras, with the baron of liquerque and the marquis de havré, who was brother to the duke of arschot and had been to spain several times, and to whom philip had shown much favour and proof of confidence. when the marquis saw that his companions were amusing themselves or pretending to do so at the end of the room, he took d. john apart to the opposite end, and there point-blank, without fear of god or respect for himself, proposed that he (d. john) should rise with all and rule over the states, and they would help him. the shame and anger which showed in d. john's face cut the speech short, and mechanically he put his hand to his dagger, according to what vander hammen and porre?o say, referring to this deed of d. john's, "that, not being able to suffer this blow, which touched his fidelity to the quick, he drew out his dagger and wounded him with great indignation."
d. john was more heroic than this, as, from prudence and loyalty to the king, he was silent and swallowed the affront; and thus escovedo refers to it in a letter to the king, written on the 21st of january, 1577: "and to advise y.m. that y.m. should see what good and loyal vassals y.m. has here, and how much they love you. know that the marquis de havré, on his own part and that of others, tempted the lord d. john, offering all this for himself, and that he should not lose the chance, and although he tried to change the subject, pretending not to understand, he was so bold and shameless that he repeated it. he answered that god save y.m., that they had a very good king, and that it would not be well for them to alter, and he swore to me that he was moved to box his ears, and that he would have done so, if it would not have done harm to the main business."
d. john speaks of the matter in a very veiled way in one of his letters to d. rodrigo de mendoza:
"lately came a deputation and embassy from the states, among others the marquis de havré, strangely without shame and respect even, since he openly spoke of everything, trusting everything and everybody without any respect, as i say."
at last philip's reply arrived, ordering d. john to sign, without demur, the "pacification of ghent," and to send the spanish regiments at once away from flanders. d. john felt greatly humiliated and discouraged, because before sending away the regiments it was necessary to pay them, and d. philip did not mention this or send any money whatever.
