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CHAPTER VI. THE SECULAR GUILD

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several expositors of secular principles, able to act together, have for many years endeavoured by counsel, by aid, and by publication to promote secular organization. at one time they conducted a secular institute in fleet street, london—in 1854. the object was to form secular societies for teaching the positive results of freethought. in the first edition of this work it was held to be desirable that there should be a centre of reference for all inquirers upon secular principles at home and abroad. attention should be guaranteed to distant correspondents and visitors, so that means of communication and publication of all advanced opinions in sociology, theology, and politics might exist, and be able to command publicity, when expressed dispassionately, impersonally, and with ordinary good taste.

it has been generally admitted that the operations at that time conducted, helped to impart a new character to free-thought advocacy, and many of its recommendations have since been copied by associations subsequently formed. the promoters of secularism alluded to, have not ceased in the reasoner and other publications, by lectures, by statements, by articles, by pamphlets to urge a definite and consistent representation of secular and freethought principles: as many mistake merely mechanical association for the organization of ideas.

the promoters in question have since adopted the form of action of a secular guild, and continue the reasoner (of which there is now issued a "review series") as their organ. the objects of a council of the guild is to promote, as far as means may permit, or counsel prevail, organization of ideas:—

1.—to train advocates of secular principles,

2.—to advise an impersonal policy of advocacy, which seeking to carry its ends by force of exposition, rather than of denunciation, shall command the attention and respect of those who influence public affairs.

3.—to promote solution of political, social, and educational questions on secular and unsectarian grounds.

4.—to point out new books of secular relevance, and where possible, to accredit advocates of secularism that the public may have some guidance, and the party be no longer liable to be judged by whoever may appear to write or speak on the subject.

5.—to assist in the protection and defence of those injured, or attempted to be injured on account of freethought or secularist opinion.

6.—to provide for the administration of property bequeathed for secular purposes, of which so much has been lost through the injustice of the law, and machinations of persons opposed to liberal views.

7.—when a member has been honourably counted on the side of secularism, has been a subscriber or a worker for a term of years, the guild, keeping a record of such service, proposes to give a certificate of it which among friends of freethought may be a passport to recognition and esteem. to constitute some such freemasonry in freethought, may elevate association in england. a certificate of illuminism or of carbonarism in italy was once handed down from father to son as an heirloom of honour, while in england you have to supplicate men to join a society of progression, instead of membership being a distinction which men shall covet at present a man who has given the best years of his life to the public service is liable (if from any necessity he ceases to act) to be counted a renegade by men who have never rendered twelve months* consecutive or costly service themselves. there ought to be a fixed term of service, which, if honourably and effectively rendered, should entitle a man to be considered free, as a soldier after leaving the army, and his certificate of having belonged to the order of secularism should entitle him to distinction and to authority when his opinion was sought, and to exemption from all but voluntary service. at present the soldiers of progress, when no longer able to serve, are dismissed from the public eye, like the race-horse to the cab stand, to obscurity and neglect. this needs correction before men can be counted upon in the battle of truth. a man is to be estimated according to the aims of the party to which he is allied. he is to be esteemed in consequence of sacrifices of time, and discipline of conduct, which he contributes to the service and reputation of his cause.

* this has been done to some extent in the discussion of the

national education question. the proposer of the guild

contributed what ije could to this end by reading the paper

published in the proceedings of the conference of the

birmingham education league, by letters like that to the

daily news, commented upon by the bishop of peterborough,

at leicester [see official publications of the manchester

national education union,] by discussions as those with the

revs. pringle and baldwin, at norwich, and with mr. chas.

bradlaugh, at the old street hall of science, london; and by

lectures during the time the question of national education

has been before parliament

in foreign countries many persons reside interested in secularism; in great britain indeed many friends reside where no secular society is formed; and in these cases membership of the guild would be advantageous to them, affording means of introduction to publicists of similar views: and even in instances of towns where secular societies do exist, persons in direct relation to the secular guild would be able to furnish secular direction where the tradition and usage of a secular society are unknown, or unfamiliar.

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