why the americans have never been so eager as the french for general ideas in political matters

i observed in the last chapter, that the americans show a less decided taste for general ideas than the french; this is more especially true in political matters. although the americans infuse into their legislation infinitely more general ideas than the english, and although they pay much more attention than the latter people to the adjustment of the practice of affairs to theory, no political bodies in the united states have ever shown so warm an attachment to general ideas as the constituent assembly and the convention in france. at no time has the american people laid hold on ideas of this kind with the passionate energy of the french people in the eighteenth century, or displayed the same blind confidence in the value and absolute truth of any theory. this difference between the americans and the french originates in several causes, but principally in the following one. the americans form a democratic people, which has always itself directed public affairs. the french are a democratic people, who, for a long time, could only speculate on the best manner of conducting them. the social condition of france led that people to conceive very general ideas on the subject of government, whilst its political constitution prevented it from correcting those ideas by experiment, and from gradually detecting their insufficiency; whereas in america the two things constantly balance and correct each other.

it may seem, at first sight, that this is very much opposed to what i have said before, that democratic nations derive their love of theory from the excitement of their active life. a more attentive examination will show that there is nothing contradictory in the proposition. men living in democratic countries eagerly lay hold of general ideas because they have but little leisure, and because these ideas spare them the trouble of studying particulars. this is true; but it is only to be understood to apply to those matters which are not the necessary and habitual subjects of their thoughts. mercantile men will take up very eagerly, and without any very close scrutiny, all the general ideas on philosophy, politics, science, or the arts, which may be presented to them; but for such as relate to commerce, they will not receive them without inquiry, or adopt them without reserve. the same thing applies to statesmen with regard to general ideas in politics. if, then, there be a subject upon which a democratic people is peculiarly liable to abandon itself, blindly and extravagantly, to general ideas, the best corrective that can be used will be to make that subject a part of the daily practical occupation of that people. the people will then be compelled to enter upon its details, and the details will teach them the weak points of the theory. this remedy may frequently be a painful one, but its effect is certain.

thus it happens, that the democratic institutions which compel every citizen to take a practical part in the government, moderate that excessive taste for general theories in politics which the principle of equality suggests.