the present and probable future condition of the three races which inhabit the territory of the united states
the principal part of the task which i had imposed upon myself is now performed. i have shown, as far as i was able, the laws and the manners of the american democracy. here i might stop; but the reader would perhaps feel that i had not satisfied his expectations.
the absolute supremacy of democracy is not all that we meet with in america; the inhabitants of the new world may be considered from more than one point of view. in the course of this work my subject has often led me to speak of the indians and the negroes; but i have never been able to stop in order to show what place these two races occupy in the midst of the democratic people whom i was engaged in describing. i have mentioned in what spirit, and according to what laws, the anglo-american union was formed; but i could only glance at the dangers which menace that confederation, whilst it was equally impossible for me to give a detailed account of its chances of duration, independently of its laws and manners. when speaking of the united republican states, i hazarded no conjectures upon the permanence of republican forms in the new world, and when making frequent allusion to the commercial activity which reigns in the union, i was unable to inquire into the future condition of the americans as a commercial people.
these topics are collaterally connected with my subject without forming a part of it; they are american without being democratic; and to portray democracy has been my principal aim. it was therefore necessary to postpone these questions, which i now take up as the proper termination of my work.
the territory now occupied or claimed by the american union spreads from the shores of the atlantic to those of the pacific ocean. on the east and west its limits are those of the continent itself. on the south it advances nearly to the tropic, and it extends upwards to the icy regions of the north. the human beings who are scattered over this space do not form, as in europe, so many branches of the same stock. three races, naturally distinct, and, i might almost say, hostile to each other, are discoverable amongst them at the first glance. almost insurmountable barriers had been raised between them by education and by law, as well as by their origin and outward characteristics; but fortune has brought them together on the same soil, where, although they are mixed, they do not amalgamate, and each race fulfils its destiny apart.
amongst these widely differing families of men, the first which attracts attention, the superior in intelligence, in power and in enjoyment, is the white or european, the man pre-eminent; and in subordinate grades, the negro and the indian. these two unhappy races have nothing in common; neither birth, nor features, nor language, nor habits. their only resemblance lies in their misfortunes. both of them occupy an inferior rank in the country they inhabit; both suffer from tyranny; and if their wrongs are not the same, they originate, at any rate, with the same authors.
if we reasoned from what passes in the world, we should almost say that the european is to the other races of mankind, what man is to the lower animals;—he makes them subservient to his use; and when he cannot subdue, he destroys them. oppression has, at one stroke, deprived the descendants of the africans of almost all the privileges of humanity. the negro of the united states has lost all remembrance of his country; the language which his forefathers spoke is never heard around him; he abjured their religion and forgot their customs when he ceased to belong to africa, without acquiring any claim to european privileges. but he remains half way between the two communities; sold by the one, repulsed by the other; finding not a spot in the universe to call by the name of country, except the faint image of a home which the shelter of his master's roof affords.
the negro has no family; woman is merely the temporary companion of his pleasures, and his children are upon an equality with himself from the moment of their birth. am i to call it a proof of god's mercy or a visitation of his wrath, that man in certain states appears to be insensible to his extreme wretchedness, and almost affects, with a depraved taste, the cause of his misfortunes? the negro, who is plunged in this abyss of evils, scarcely feels his own calamitous situation. violence made him a slave, and the habit of servitude gives him the thoughts and desires of a slave; he admires his tyrants more than he hates them, and finds his joy and his pride in the servile imitation of those who oppress him: his understanding is degraded to the level of his soul.
the negro enters upon slavery as soon as he is born: nay, he may have been purchased in the womb, and have begun his slavery before he began his existence. equally devoid of wants and of enjoyment, and useless to himself, he learns, with his first notions of existence, that he is the property of another, who has an interest in preserving his life, and that the care of it does not devolve upon himself; even the power of thought appears to him a useless gift of providence, and he quietly enjoys the privileges of his debasement. if he becomes free, independence is often felt by him to be a heavier burden than slavery; for having learned, in the course of his life, to submit to everything except reason, he is too much unacquainted with her dictates to obey them. a thousand new desires beset him, and he is destitute of the knowledge and energy necessary to resist them: these are masters which it is necessary to contend with, and he has learnt only to submit and obey. in short, he sinks to such a depth of wretchedness, that while servitude brutalizes, liberty destroys him.
oppression has been no less fatal to the indian than to the negro race, but its effects are different. before the arrival of white men in the new world, the inhabitants of north america lived quietly in their woods, enduring the vicissitudes and practising the virtues and vices common to savage nations. the europeans, having dispersed the indian tribes and driven them into the deserts, condemned them to a wandering life full of inexpressible sufferings.
savage nations are only controlled by opinion and by custom. when the north american indians had lost the sentiment of attachment to their country; when their families were dispersed, their traditions obscured, and the chain of their recollections broken; when all their habits were changed, and their wants increased beyond measure, european tyranny rendered them more disorderly and less civilized than they were before. the moral and physical condition of these tribes continually grew worse, and they became more barbarous as they became more wretched. nevertheless, the europeans have not been able to metamorphose the character of the indians; and though they have had power to destroy them, they have never been able to make them submit to the rules of civilized society.
the lot of the negro is placed on the extreme limit of servitude, while that of the indian lies on the uttermost verge of liberty; and slavery does not produce more fatal effects upon the first, than independence upon the second. the negro has lost all property in his own person, and he cannot dispose of his existence without committing a sort of fraud: but the savage is his own master as soon as he is able to act; parental authority is scarcely known to him; he has never bent his will to that of any of his kind, nor learned the difference between voluntary obedience and a shameful subjection; and the very name of law is unknown to him. to be free, with him, signifies to escape from all the shackles of society. as he delights in this barbarous independence, and would rather perish than sacrifice the least part of it, civilization has little power over him.
the negro makes a thousand fruitless efforts to insinuate himself amongst men who repulse him; he conforms to the tastes of his oppressors, adopts their opinions, and hopes by imitating them to form a part of their community. having been told from infancy that his race is naturally inferior to that of the whites, he assents to the proposition and is ashamed of his own nature. in each of his features he discovers a trace of slavery, and, if it were in his power, he would willingly rid himself of everything that makes him what he is.
the indian, on the contrary, has his imagination inflated with the pretended nobility of his origin, and lives and dies in the midst of these dreams of pride. far from desiring to conform his habits to ours, he loves his savage life as the distinguishing mark of his race, and he repels every advance to civilization, less perhaps from the hatred which he entertains for it, than from a dread of resembling the europeans. *a while he has nothing to oppose to our perfection in the arts but the resources of the desert, to our tactics nothing but undisciplined courage; whilst our well-digested plans are met by the spontaneous instincts of savage life, who can wonder if he fails in this unequal contest?
a
[ the native of north america retains his opinions and the most insignificant of his habits with a degree of tenacity which has no parallel in history. for more than two hundred years the wandering tribes of north america have had daily intercourse with the whites, and they have never derived from them either a custom or an idea. yet the europeans have exercised a powerful influence over the savages: they have made them more licentious, but not more european. in the summer of 1831 i happened to be beyond lake michigan, at a place called green bay, which serves as the extreme frontier between the united states and the indians on the north-western side. here i became acquainted with an american officer, major h., who, after talking to me at length on the inflexibility of the indian character, related the following fact:—"i formerly knew a young indian," said he, "who had been educated at a college in new england, where he had greatly distinguished himself, and had acquired the external appearance of a member of civilized society. when the war broke out between ourselves and the english in 1810, i saw this young man again; he was serving in our army, at the head of the warriors of his tribe, for the indians were admitted amongst the ranks of the americans, upon condition that they would abstain from their horrible custom of scalping their victims. on the evening of the battle of . . ., c. came and sat himself down by the fire of our bivouac. i asked him what had been his fortune that day: he related his exploits; and growing warm and animated by the recollection of them, he concluded by suddenly opening the breast of his coat, saying, 'you must not betray me—see here!' and i actually beheld," said the major, "between his body and his shirt, the skin and hair of an english head, still dripping with gore."]
the negro, who earnestly desires to mingle his race with that of the european, cannot effect if; while the indian, who might succeed to a certain extent, disdains to make the attempt. the servility of the one dooms him to slavery, the pride of the other to death.
i remember that while i was travelling through the forests which still cover the state of alabama, i arrived one day at the log house of a pioneer. i did not wish to penetrate into the dwelling of the american, but retired to rest myself for a while on the margin of a spring, which was not far off, in the woods. while i was in this place (which was in the neighborhood of the creek territory), an indian woman appeared, followed by a negress, and holding by the hand a little white girl of five or six years old, whom i took to be the daughter of the pioneer. a sort of barbarous luxury set off the costume of the indian; rings of metal were hanging from her nostrils and ears; her hair, which was adorned with glass beads, fell loosely upon her shoulders; and i saw that she was not married, for she still wore that necklace of shells which the bride always deposits on the nuptial couch. the negress was clad in squalid european garments. they all three came and seated themselves upon the banks of the fountain; and the young indian, taking the child in her arms, lavished upon her such fond caresses as mothers give; while the negress endeavored by various little artifices to attract the attention of the young creole.
the child displayed in her slightest gestures a consciousness of superiority which formed a strange contrast with her infantine weakness; as if she received the attentions of her companions with a sort of condescension. the negress was seated on the ground before her mistress, watching her smallest desires, and apparently divided between strong affection for the child and servile fear; whilst the savage displayed, in the midst of her tenderness, an air of freedom and of pride which was almost ferocious. i had approached the group, and i contemplated them in silence; but my curiosity was probably displeasing to the indian woman, for she suddenly rose, pushed the child roughly from her, and giving me an angry look plunged into the thicket. i had often chanced to see individuals met together in the same place, who belonged to the three races of men which people north america. i had perceived from many different results the preponderance of the whites. but in the picture which i have just been describing there was something peculiarly touching; a bond of affection here united the oppressors with the oppressed, and the effort of nature to bring them together rendered still more striking the immense distance placed between them by prejudice and by law.
the present and probable future condition of the indian tribes which inhabit the territory possessed by the union
gradual disappearance of the native tribes—manner in which it takes place—miseries accompanying the forced migrations of the indians—the savages of north america had only two ways of escaping destruction; war or civilization—they are no longer able to make war—reasons why they refused to become civilized when it was in their power, and why they cannot become so now that they desire it—instance of the creeks and cherokees—policy of the particular states towards these indians—policy of the federal government.
none of the indian tribes which formerly inhabited the territory of new england—the naragansetts, the mohicans, the pecots—have any existence but in the recollection of man. the lenapes, who received william penn, a hundred and fifty years ago, upon the banks of the delaware, have disappeared; and i myself met with the last of the iroquois, who were begging alms. the nations i have mentioned formerly covered the country to the sea-coast; but a traveller at the present day must penetrate more than a hundred leagues into the interior of the continent to find an indian. not only have these wild tribes receded, but they are destroyed; *b and as they give way or perish, an immense and increasing people fills their place. there is no instance upon record of so prodigious a growth, or so rapid a destruction: the manner in which the latter change takes place is not difficult to describe.
b
[ in the thirteen original states there are only 6,273 indians remaining. (see legislative documents, 20th congress, no. 117, p. 90.) [the decrease in now far greater, and is verging on extinction. see page 360 of this volume.]]
when the indians were the sole inhabitants of the wilds from whence they have since been expelled, their wants were few. their arms were of their own manufacture, their only drink was the water of the brook, and their clothes consisted of the skins of animals, whose flesh furnished them with food.
the europeans introduced amongst the savages of north america fire-arms, ardent spirits, and iron: they taught them to exchange for manufactured stuffs, the rough garments which had previously satisfied their untutored simplicity. having acquired new tastes, without the arts by which they could be gratified, the indians were obliged to have recourse to the workmanship of the whites; but in return for their productions the savage had nothing to offer except the rich furs which still abounded in his woods. hence the chase became necessary, not merely to provide for his subsistence, but in order to procure the only objects of barter which he could furnish to europe. *c whilst the wants of the natives were thus increasing, their resources continued to diminish.
c
[ messrs. clarke and cass, in their report to congress on february 4, 1829, p. 23, expressed themselves thus:—"the time when the indians generally could supply themselves with food and clothing, without any of the articles of civilized life, has long since passed away. the more remote tribes, beyond the mississippi, who live where immense herds of buffalo are yet to be found and who follow those animals in their periodical migrations, could more easily than any others recur to the habits of their ancestors, and live without the white man or any of his manufactures. but the buffalo is constantly receding. the smaller animals, the bear, the deer, the beaver, the otter, the muskrat, etc., principally minister to the comfort and support of the indians; and these cannot be taken without guns, ammunition, and traps. among the northwestern indians particularly, the labor of supplying a family with food is excessive. day after day is spent by the hunter without success, and during this interval his family must subsist upon bark or roots, or perish. want and misery are around them and among them. many die every winter from actual starvation."
the indians will not live as europeans live, and yet they can neither subsist without them, nor exactly after the fashion of their fathers. this is demonstrated by a fact which i likewise give upon official authority. some indians of a tribe on the banks of lake superior had killed a european; the american government interdicted all traffic with the tribe to which the guilty parties belonged, until they were delivered up to justice. this measure had the desired effect.]
from the moment when a european settlement is formed in the neighborhood of the territory occupied by the indians, the beasts of chase take the alarm. *d thousands of savages, wandering in the forests and destitute of any fixed dwelling, did not disturb them; but as soon as the continuous sounds of european labor are heard in their neighborhood, they begin to flee away, and retire to the west, where their instinct teaches them that they will find deserts of immeasurable extent. "the buffalo is constantly receding," say messrs. clarke and cass in their report of the year 1829; "a few years since they approached the base of the alleghany; and a few years hence they may even be rare upon the immense plains which extend to the base of the rocky mountains." i have been assured that this effect of the approach of the whites is often felt at two hundred leagues' distance from their frontier. their influence is thus exerted over tribes whose name is unknown to them; and who suffer the evils of usurpation long before they are acquainted with the authors of their distress. *e
d
[ "five years ago," (says volney in his "tableau des etats-unis," p. 370) "in going from vincennes to kaskaskia, a territory which now forms part of the state of illinois, but which at the time i mention was completely wild (1797), you could not cross a prairie without seeing herds of from four to five hundred buffaloes. there are now none remaining; they swam across the mississippi to escape from the hunters, and more particularly from the bells of the american cows."]
e
[ the truth of what i here advance may be easily proved by consulting the tabular statement of indian tribes inhabiting the united states and their territories. (legislative documents, 20th congress, no. 117, pp. 90-105.) it is there shown that the tribes in the centre of america are rapidly decreasing, although the europeans are still at a considerable distance from them.]
bold adventurers soon penetrate into the country the indians have deserted, and when they have advanced about fifteen or twenty leagues from the extreme frontiers of the whites, they begin to build habitations for civilized beings in the midst of the wilderness. this is done without difficulty, as the territory of a hunting-nation is ill-defined; it is the common property of the tribe, and belongs to no one in particular, so that individual interests are not concerned in the protection of any part of it.
a few european families, settled in different situations at a considerable distance from each other, soon drive away the wild animals which remain between their places of abode. the indians, who had previously lived in a sort of abundance, then find it difficult to subsist, and still more difficult to procure the articles of barter which they stand in need of.
to drive away their game is to deprive them of the means of existence, as effectually as if the fields of our agriculturists were stricken with barrenness; and they are reduced, like famished wolves, to prowl through the forsaken woods in quest of prey. their instinctive love of their country attaches them to the soil which gave them birth, *f even after it has ceased to yield anything but misery and death. at length they are compelled to acquiesce, and to depart: they follow the traces of the elk, the buffalo, and the beaver, and are guided by these wild animals in the choice of their future country. properly speaking, therefore, it is not the europeans who drive away the native inhabitants of america; it is famine which compels them to recede; a happy distinction which had escaped the casuists of former times, and for which we are indebted to modern discovery!
f
[ "the indians," say messrs. clarke and cass in their report to congress, p. 15, "are attached to their country by the same feelings which bind us to ours; and, besides, there are certain superstitious notions connected with the alienation of what the great spirit gave to their ancestors, which operate strongly upon the tribes who have made few or no cessions, but which are gradually weakened as our intercourse with them is extended. 'we will not sell the spot which contains the bones of our fathers,' is almost always the first answer to a proposition for a sale."]
it is impossible to conceive the extent of the sufferings which attend these forced emigrations. they are undertaken by a people already exhausted and reduced; and the countries to which the newcomers betake themselves are inhabited by other tribes which receive them with jealous hostility. hunger is in the rear; war awaits them, and misery besets them on all sides. in the hope of escaping from such a host of enemies, they separate, and each individual endeavors to procure the means of supporting his existence in solitude and secrecy, living in the immensity of the desert like an outcast in civilized society. the social tie, which distress had long since weakened, is then dissolved; they have lost their country, and their people soon desert them: their very families are obliterated; the names they bore in common are forgotten, their language perishes, and all traces of their origin disappear. their nation has ceased to exist, except in the recollection of the antiquaries of america and a few of the learned of europe.
i should be sorry to have my reader suppose that i am coloring the picture too highly; i saw with my own eyes several of the cases of misery which i have been describing; and i was the witness of sufferings which i have not the power to portray.
at the end of the year 1831, whilst i was on the left bank of the mississippi at a place named by europeans, memphis, there arrived a numerous band of choctaws (or chactas, as they are called by the french in louisiana). these savages had left their country, and were endeavoring to gain the right bank of the mississippi, where they hoped to find an asylum which had been promised them by the american government. it was then the middle of winter, and the cold was unusually severe; the snow had frozen hard upon the ground, and the river was drifting huge masses of ice. the indians had their families with them; and they brought in their train the wounded and sick, with children newly born, and old men upon the verge of death. they possessed neither tents nor wagons, but only their arms and some provisions. i saw them embark to pass the mighty river, and never will that solemn spectacle fade from my remembrance. no cry, no sob was heard amongst the assembled crowd; all were silent. their calamities were of ancient date, and they knew them to be irremediable. the indians had all stepped into the bark which was to carry them across, but their dogs remained upon the bank. as soon as these animals perceived that their masters were finally leaving the shore, they set up a dismal howl, and, plunging all together into the icy waters of the mississippi, they swam after the boat.
the ejectment of the indians very often takes place at the present day, in a regular, and, as it were, a legal manner. when the european population begins to approach the limit of the desert inhabited by a savage tribe, the government of the united states usually dispatches envoys to them, who assemble the indians in a large plain, and having first eaten and drunk with them, accost them in the following manner: "what have you to do in the land of your fathers? before long, you must dig up their bones in order to live. in what respect is the country you inhabit better than another? are there no woods, marshes, or prairies, except where you dwell? and can you live nowhere but under your own sun? beyond those mountains which you see at the horizon, beyond the lake which bounds your territory on the west, there lie vast countries where beasts of chase are found in great abundance; sell your lands to us, and go to live happily in those solitudes." after holding this language, they spread before the eyes of the indians firearms, woollen garments, kegs of brandy, glass necklaces, bracelets of tinsel, earrings, and looking-glasses. *g if, when they have beheld all these riches, they still hesitate, it is insinuated that they have not the means of refusing their required consent, and that the government itself will not long have the power of protecting them in their rights. what are they to do? half convinced, and half compelled, they go to inhabit new deserts, where the importunate whites will not let them remain ten years in tranquillity. in this manner do the americans obtain, at a very low price, whole provinces, which the richest sovereigns of europe could not purchase. *h
g
[ see, in the legislative documents of congress (doc. 117), the narrative of what takes place on these occasions. this curious passage is from the above-mentioned report, made to congress by messrs. clarke and cass in february, 1829. mr. cass is now the secretary of war.
"the indians," says the report, "reach the treaty-ground poor and almost naked. large quantities of goods are taken there by the traders, and are seen and examined by the indians. the women and children become importunate to have their wants supplied, and their influence is soon exerted to induce a sale. their improvidence is habitual and unconquerable. the gratification of his immediate wants and desires is the ruling passion of an indian. the expectation of future advantages seldom produces much effect. the experience of the past is lost, and the prospects of the future disregarded. it would be utterly hopeless to demand a cession of land, unless the means were at hand of gratifying their immediate wants; and when their condition and circumstances are fairly considered, it ought not to surprise us that they are so anxious to relieve themselves."]
h
[ on may 19, 1830, mr. edward everett affirmed before the house of representatives, that the americans had already acquired by treaty, to the east and west of the mississippi, 230,000,000 of acres. in 1808 the osages gave up 48,000,000 acres for an annual payment of $1,000. in 1818 the quapaws yielded up 29,000,000 acres for $4,000. they reserved for themselves a territory of 1,000,000 acres for a hunting-ground. a solemn oath was taken that it should be respected: but before long it was invaded like the rest. mr. bell, in his report of the committee on indian affairs, february 24, 1830, has these words:—"to pay an indian tribe what their ancient hunting-grounds are worth to them, after the game is fled or destroyed, as a mode of appropriating wild lands claimed by indians, has been found more convenient, and certainly it is more agreeable to the forms of justice, as well as more merciful, than to assert the possession of them by the sword. thus the practice of buying indian titles is but the substitute which humanity and expediency have imposed, in place of the sword, in arriving at the actual enjoyment of property claimed by the right of discovery, and sanctioned by the natural superiority allowed to the claims of civilized communities over those of savage tribes. up to the present time so invariable has been the operation of certain causes, first in diminishing the value of forest lands to the indians, and secondly in disposing them to sell readily, that the plan of buying their right of occupancy has never threatened to retard, in any perceptible degree, the prosperity of any of the states." (legislative documents, 21st congress, no. 227, p. 6.)]
