gonzalo de badajoz visits the south sea—what he sees at nombre de dios—his dealings with totonagua—and with tataracherubi—arrives at natá—the spaniards gather much gold—they encounter the redoubtable paris—a desperate fight—badajoz loses his gold and returns to darien—pedrarias on the war-path—he strikes cenú a blow of revenge—acla founded—the governor returns ill to antigua—expedition of gaspar de espinosa to the south sea—the licentiate's ass—robbery by law—espinosa's relation—a bloody-handed priest—espinosa at natá—he courts the acquaintance of paris—who kills the ambassadors—hurtado surveys the southern seaboard to nicoya—panamá founded—an aboriginal tartarus—return of espinosa's expedition.
while these expeditions were directed to the east side of panamá bay, other captains were equally active on the west side.
gonzalo de badajoz embarked at antigua for the south sea in march, 1515, with one hundred and thirty men.[xi-1] landing at nombre de dios, where no white man had touched since nicuesa's departure, a dismal spectacle was there presented. the dismantled fort stood surrounded by tenantless dwellings, whose walls were once the silent witnesses of despair; while crosses, heaps of stone, and dead men's scattered bones, seemed to tell how restless were these adventurers even in their last resting. the most impassive of all that callous company was struck by a momentary shudder as he gazed on these ghastly 413 portents of his own probable fate; and they would have turned back on the spot had not their leader hurried the ships away beyond their reach.
adventures of badajoz.
the versatile adventurer quickly recovers himself, however, and what is more wonderful is the indifference with which sanguinary recitals often repeated are soon received. the homely adage that familiarity breeds contempt is nowhere more strikingly true than in our own intercourse with danger, pain, and death. it is not altogether a hibernicism to say that men get used to these things, even to hanging. and when the oft-repeated disasters are distant, and only the survivors with their prizes are present, the terrible tale makes still less impression. that colony after colony in the new world occupation should be swept away or divided by death, and divided yet again, ten times, or twenty times cut in twain; or that expedition after expedition should return to antigua, leaving half or two thirds of its number rotting on the heated plain, or scattered in the mountains furnishing food for carrion-birds, and yet new colonists continue to come out, and new expeditions continue to be organized by those willing to take the same even chances of never returning, shows an ignorance, or indifference, or both, to which fear of consequences is as inaccessible as ever was the feeling of love to narcissus.
the mission of badajoz was the usual one. he was to cross the isthmus at its narrowest part, take possession of the country, and gather in its treasures. we all know what this implied. were any but civilized christians so to do it would be called murder, robbery, treachery, violation, and the rest.
totonagua was the first victim on this occasion. his dominions were of great extent and thickly peopled, the village where he resided standing on the mountains opposite nombre de dios. surprised by night he surrendered gold to the value of six thousand pesos. tataracherubi, a wealthy cacique on the 414 southern side, was similarly relieved of gold to the value of eight thousand pesos. seeing the spaniards so deeply in love with gold, tataracherubi told them of a chief named natá, some distance to the south-west, very rich and with few fighting men. thirty men under alonso perez de la rua were deemed ample for the adventure, but after a night's march the spaniards found themselves, as morning broke, in the midst of a cluster of villages belonging to a numerous and warlike people. retreat was impossible, and not a moment was to be lost. rushing for the principal village they seized the leading cacique, natá,[xi-2] and were masters of the situation. for when the savages pressed them hard in the fight that followed, and would have slain them all, they threatened natá with instant death if he did not cause his men to lay down their arms. natá obeyed. presently badajoz joined perez, and the chief was released to collect for his captors gold in value to fifteen thousand castellanos. after remaining at natá two months the conquerors surprised the village of escoria, ten leagues to the southward, and secured gold[xi-3] to the value of nine thousand pesos. westward from escoria lived biruquete[xi-4] and a blind neighbor, who were relieved of six thousand pesos worth of gold. in the vicinity were the villages of taracuri, pananome, tabor, and chirú, where the spaniards obtained another considerable quantity of gold.
gonzalo de badajoz was gathering a rich harvest. thus far his accumulations reached eighty thousand castellanos, equivalent to more than half a million of 415 dollars at the present day. it was not a disagreeable way of making money. it was quite honorable stealing in the eyes of the plunderers themselves, although the stupid savages never could wholly make out the right of it. in addition to gold there were always plenty of women for slavery, and so the adventurers who for these benefits had staked their lives were happy.
the cacique paris.
elated by their successes, the conquerors continued the good work. not far from chirú were the dominions of a cacique called by the spaniards parizao pariba, subsequently abbreviated into paris.[xi-5] advised of their approach paris fled to the mountains with all his people and treasure. badajoz sent a message threatening to put the dogs upon his track unless he returned. paris returned word that he was exceedingly occupied and hoped the spanish captain would excuse his coming. he begged him, however, to accept an accompanying gift from his women, and wished him a prosperous journey out of the country. the gift so carelessly presented was carried by four principal men in baskets made of the withes of palm-leaves and lined with deerskins. in dimensions they were about one and a half by two feet, and three inches in depth. the contents consisted of fabricated gold, breast-plates, bracelets and ear-rings, valued, as the spaniards affirmed, at forty or fifty thousand castellanos.
dominion of paris
so much treasure so royally presented only excited their cupidity the more. thanking the savages, badajoz retired with his men, but as soon as paris returned to the village, he surprised it at night and obtained as much more gold as had already been sent. this greediness resulted in their ruin. paris sent out upon the road one of his principal men who 416 was instructed, when captured, to pass himself off as belonging to an adjoining village, three leagues distant, and to say that it was well stocked with gold. he was on his way to the river to fish, but would show them his town. the strategy succeeded. badajoz sent a portion of the men under his guidance to bring in the treasure. meanwhile paris had raised an army of four thousand warriors, and the invaders being now divided, as had been designed, he fiercely attacked and almost exterminated one part before the other could join it. the spaniards fought until 417 seventy of their number were slain, whereupon they abandoned the treasure, cut their way through the savages, and fled to the territory of chame.[xi-6] thence they crossed to an island occupied by tabor, and afterward to taboga island, where they remained for thirty days recruiting their strength for the desperate attempt to reach darien. this they finally accomplished, but perez de la rua lost his life immediately on returning to the mainland. since they failed to bring home the gold of which their stories were full, we may each of us believe them according to our faith.
attack on cenú.
the year 1515 was now drawing toward its close. it had been clouded with more than one disaster, and pedrarias was anything but pleased. himself a fighting man as well as civil officer, he determined to show his young captains what an old man could do in the field; for whatever his general character, and it was detestable enough, pedrarias was not a coward. his first blow was to be directed against the cenú people, toward whom he had not felt kindly since the slaughter of the two companies under vallejo and becerra. what right had these savages to kill spaniards? and yet were his purpose known of entering within range of those poisoned arrows he would have few followers to the wars. an expedition of three hundred men was therefore organized ostensibly against pocorosa, and with this he coasted westward until after night-fall, when he ordered the pilots to turn back and make for cenú, whose tristful shore the next morning saw them close approaching. anchoring, hurtado was sent with two hundred men to fire the village and do what killing was convenient. he managed to cut in pieces a few women and children as they escaped the flames, and secure some captives for slaves, but the poisoned arrows soon terminated 418 the sport, and the expedition turned again toward the province of pocorosa.
the purpose of the governor was to found at least two posts of the line ordained by the king, but which his captains had failed to establish. pedrarias resolved that the termini of the intended line on either ocean should be at once selected and town-building begun. coasting westward in search of a site he came to a pleasant port, northward of careta, beyond which extended a dry and fertile plain with timber suitable for ship-building, and from which led a now well-known route across the isthmus. the natives called the place acla,[xi-7] that is to say, 'bones of men.' there the governor began to build a wooden fort with such enthusiasm as not only to direct the laborers, but to assist them with his hands, until excess of zeal brought on a fever which rendered it necessary for him to be carried bedridden to antigua. gabriel de rojas was left in command of the unfinished enterprise, and gaspar de espinosa with a stout force was permitted to try the fortunes of war on that permanent object of the spoiler, pocorosa.
the licentiate's ass.
it seems that the youthful magistrate on finding his official duties spiritless without the mellow growl and inane wit of pettifogger or pundit, had laid aside the long-robe and buckled on the sword, this being in his opinion the more significant emblem in the arbitration 419 of indian affairs. and as the highest wisdom is that which adapts learning to the duties of the day, the licentiate would not be bound by the mechanical restrictions which governed the illiterate cavaliers in their encounters with the natives. there are some whom travel improves but little, though like haddad ben ahab, they should climb to the top of the world's wall and look down the other side. our juvenile judge was not one of these. bonum est fugienda adspicere in alieno malo, was his motto. it is good to note in the misfortunes of others what we should avoid, for so publius syrus has said. he would go to the wars as a warrior, not plodding his way wearily over mountain and through morass, like a common foot-soldier, but he would enter the domain of the enemy mounted, and in a manner becoming a general and a judge. athena went to war mounted on a lion, alexander on a horse, espinosa on—an ass. history gives the licentiate this honor, and as an honest man i cannot deny it him; he was the first to cross the isthmus on an ass. some horses had of late been brought to antigua, which were employed to a very limited extent in the wars of tierra firme and also on the present occasion; but the alcalde mayor preferred to bestride an ass; it was a more judicial beast, not say surer-footed or more safe. moreover, it was staid, and not liable to rush recklessly into battle. there was another advance. several pieces of artillery were dragged across the isthmus in this expedition.
when the savages first beheld the conquering hero borne triumphantly through crowds of admiring spectators, they fell back dumbfounded. they knew the force of spanish steel; bloodhounds they knew, and arquebuses vomiting fire and hurling thunderbolts. but what was this? its eyes were not fiery, nor its nostrils distended, nor its teeth flesh-tearing. its countenance betokened mildness, and mind-absence, such as attend benevolent contemplation; there was in it 420 nothing of that refined lust or voracious piety which characterized the faces of the spaniards. and surely apollo was in error when he gave midas such ears because he could not appreciate music. for listen to its notes. ah, that voice! when sir balaam lifted up his voice the savages fled in terror. tremblingly they returned and enquired for what the creature was asking. the spaniards replied that he was asking for gold; and during the campaign his musical beast brought the licentiate more gold than did ever leoncico earn for vasco nu?ez. and throughout that region the learned licentiate became known to the natives by the noble animal that he bestrode, so much so that those who entered the spaniard's camp to see the general used to announce their object by braying like an ass, an appeal to which the chief officer ever obligingly responded.
as alcalde mayor it was the duty of espinosa at all times and in all places to administer the law. for so god and the king had commanded; so he had sworn to do. now it was often somewhat inconvenient to rob and murder at pleasure, even under the liberal provisions of the king's requirement, according to the governor's ideas of business. therefore it was deemed wise and prudent to issue an edict from the imperial city of antigua declaring all americans in arms against the europeans to be outlaws, doomed to slavery, mutilation, or death. those who had taken part in the destruction of santa cruz should be burned; and it was quite remarkable in so young a jurist how quickly he determined, no matter how distant the evidence, whenever the destruction of a people, while promoting the sovereignty of law, would at the same time yield profit to the lawgiver.
the judge had not proceeded far upon his new circuit before he met badajoz, who was returning dejectedly to antigua, suffering from the effects of excessive cupidity. informed of the immense treasure 421 badajoz had failed to bring back, espinosa wrote pedrarias for more men that he might go and gather it. badajoz claimed the command as a right; but pedrarias said, "not so; espinosa is alcalde mayor; furthermore, captain badajoz brings back neither slaves nor gold wherewith to purchase favor." with this the licentiate received one hundred and thirty additional men under gerónimo valenzuela. so great was becoming the abhorrence of the colonists for these hazardous and unholy adventures that this captain, in conformity to his instructions, scuttled his ship on reaching acla, in order to deprive the men of the means for returning to antigua.
c?sar's commentaries on the gallic wars are not more minute in detail than the narration[xi-8] of incidents during this expedition as given by espinosa to the governor. the licentiate was exceedingly careful in every instance, first of all to propitiate the law by observing its smallest letter, such as reading and expounding the king's requirement, and never to rob or kill the natives except in the name of the king of spain, and the rights of man. his judicial conscience thus quieted, he went to work with a will.
depopulation of the provinces.
the provinces of pocorosa and comagre were at this time almost depopulated, and the licentiate could with difficulty obtain food for the men or exercise for his arms. on the approach of the spaniards, the poor remnants of these once happy nations fled affrighted to their hiding-places. this the learned licentiate ruled ipso jure a declaration of hostilities; 422 in a word, if the law could not be twisted to fit the occasion, the chief guardian of the law, himself turned law-breaker and spoiler, was as ready to throw overboard the law as was the most lawless cavalier. whole nations, i say, were declared outlaws by the honorable chief judge, because they would not come forward and embrace slavery of their own free will. if any fugitives were particularly hard to catch, that was proof of participation in the santa cruz affair, and they were burned according to law.
the caprice of the law, however, does not exhibit the pretensions of civilization and christianity in these parts in their grossest absurdity. in the outrageous raids under pedrarias, the most revolting crimes were committed in the name of religion. the itching palm of quevedo, the bishop, has been more than once referred to; and now we see his dean actually enter the field of inhumanity in person against the unhappy natives. the licentiate writes: "we proceeded on our way about one league and a half to poquina's land, where the indians set fire to their huts and ran away. i sent the dean with one squad, and ojeda with another, and they brought back some indians, the number whereof will appear in the distribution. i gave chiarna some of these indians, and that overpaid him for the provisions he had furnished us." unfortunately this is not the only instance we are doomed to encounter in this history, of a priest disgracing the faith by placing himself beside bloodhounds and bloody-minded men, and joining a hunt, in christ's name, to bring innocent men and women and children to slavery and death.
after sending to santa cruz in the hope of finding provisions from antigua, "we went to the province of tamame," continues espinosa, "whence i sent all the captains to explore the rio grande,[xi-9] on both banks, as i had been informed that pocorosa's people were there hiding. some indians were caught, as 423 will appear in the distribution, five of whom were burnt to ashes, on confessing their participation in the murders of santa cruz." indeed, "i used to send men after the indians, and justice was done upon all those who had participated in the santa cruz outrage, either by hanging or burning, and two were shot off from the cannon's mouth the more to frighten them."
espinosa on the pacific.
crossing the cordillera by way of tubanamá and chepo to panamá, where he hoped to obtain food, but found only some huts and one woman, espinosa passed on to chirú, sending out his captains in every direction for plunder. at chame the spaniards found only four indians; and as the chief had furnished corn to badajoz, they did not molest him. the cacique of chirú was captured with his women and gold, by hurtado, but appearing peaceable he was liberated, and made the custodian of some slaves, and ornaments for the mass, for a church was to be organized on the shores of pacific. chirú sent espinosa iguanas to eat, and chicha, fish, deer, and salt, and was given some hammocks in return.
after this the spaniards charged on natá one night, securing one hundred captives, and gold to the value of fifteen hundred castellanos. the cacique escaped, and rallying his warriors prepared to attack the spaniards; but when the natives saw the horses they fled in terror, fearing that they would be torn in pieces by them. as it was, the horsemen pursued the fugitives and hewed them down in great numbers. espinosa marvelled at the multitudes of people he here encountered, and at the number of their villages. he found also an abundance of maize, fish, and deer, and there were geese and turkeys. four months' supply of corn was at once secured for the army; and for better protection during the sojourn palisades were erected.
one morning while the licentiate was reposing in his lodge, natá with one attendant rushed unceremoniously into his presence, desperation depicted in 424 their countenances, and with empty quivers in their hands. "you are too strong for me," cried the chief. "you have taken my warriors, my wives, my children; do with me as you please." espinosa received him kindly, returned him his wives and children, and told him to bring his people from their hiding-places and fear nothing. the gold which had been taken from badajoz was then demanded of him, but natá denied having any of it, saying that paris had kept it all. being well established here the spaniards proceeded against the neighboring provinces. the people fled, but were compelled by hunger to return. among the captives taken some were employed in planting, and if any became unruly they were hanged. others assisted in building a little chapel, for the zealous dean had now sheathed his bloody sword to preach through an interpreter the glad tidings of good-will to man, and many were baptized.
meanwhile a deputation composed of the natives of natá was sent to the cacique paris, demanding his allegiance to the king of spain, and the restoration of the gold taken from badajoz. paris replied by hanging all the ambassadors, save two, by whom he sent back word that every christian caught within his territories would be treated in like manner. the licentiate prepared immediately to march against the redoubtable chieftain.
on the 29th of july, 1516, every member of the army was confessed by the priest. vows were made to our lady of antigua, "and in the name of god," says the licentiate, "we began our journey." hurtado had been sent with fifty men to escoria, and the ruler of that province together with chirú and natá was forced to accompany the expedition against paris.[xi-10] 425 the inhabitants melted before the invaders, and it was with difficulty that men could be captured for guides. the spaniards had not advanced far before they learned that a council had been held by the chiefs confederated for self-protection, to determine whether the gold taken from badajoz should be returned. some were in favor of restoring it; but others objected that, this being given up, as much more would be demanded, and since fight they must in either case, it was agreed to do so before surrendering the treasure. it so happened that diego albites with eighty men was marching in advance, and coming to a rivulet he espied some indians hidden under the bank and undertook to capture them. instantly the country was alive with savages; albites found himself surrounded by four thousand of the enemy, wholly cut off from the main body. the spaniards fought desperately for six hours, and would have been destroyed had not espinosa appeared and let loose upon the assailants the bloodhounds and the horsemen. twenty caciques and a host of warriors were slain, and many of the spaniards were badly wounded. "that night we slept upon the battle-field," says espinosa, "and next day i threw up a protection of palisades and sent out in search of the cacique paris." the cunning chief had burned his village and fled, thus leaving the invaders neither gold nor provisions. albites went out to forage, with instructions to fire a cannon in case of danger. nine times that night the licentiate heard the report of a gun, and was not a little alarmed for the safety of the captain. great was his joy, therefore, when early in the morning valenzuela appeared with reinforcement of one hundred men from antigua and informed the licentiate that it was he who had fired the guns while in search of the commander's camp.
valenzuela joins espinosa.
espinosa having now three hundred men felt himself strong enough to prosecute discovery according 426 to the full tenor of his instructions, which were to explore the coast westward as far as practicable. as a first step he sent a detachment of eighty men under valenzuela into the province of guararí, near the seashore, in search of trees for canoes. meanwhile the treasure lost by badajoz must if possible be found before abandoning these parts. companies were sent out in various directions under albites, hurtado, and pedro de gamez, between whom arose no small rivalry for securing the honor of the capture. their purpose was to seize the caciques and wring from them the secret by torture. at length gamez came upon the scent, and followed it into the province of quema. he was even so fortunate as to capture the chief, but for want of an interpreter nothing definite could be learned. he nevertheless reported favorably to espinosa, who ordered albites and hurtado to go to his assistance. under the gentle persuasion of the rack quema disclosed the place where part of the gold, some thirty thousand castellanos, was hidden, but denied any knowledge of the remainder. with this gold and other plunder, the three captains rejoined their commander, who had passed on to guararí.
two canoes being completed, each capable of carrying seventy men, and three smaller ones having been brought by pablo mejía from chirú, they were placed in charge of bartolomé hurtado, who with eighty or ninety men coasted south and westward, while espinosa with the remainder of the company followed by land. the rain fell in torrents, and the worthy licentiate was soon tired of wading through the thick mud; and so, after four days' march to a small port called huera,[xi-11] in the province of vera, a council was held which arranged that hurtado should continue the survey with one hundred men, in boats, while the land party should return to quema and search for the remainder of the badajoz treasure.
explorations of espinosa
the first province at which hurtado landed was 427 called guanata, whence the inhabitants had fled, and where by reason of continuous rains the spaniards rested seven days. securing guides they then passed on to an island, called by the natives caubaco, or cebaco,[xi-12] three days distant. hurtado was acquiring experience, and found it better to treat these wild people gently. this policy succeeded, and, although his landing was at first opposed, he and the islanders soon became the best of friends. their ruler was absent on the mainland, fighting; and when he returned his subjects introduced the strangers with such warmth that he at once extended his good-will, giving hurtado a golden armor valued at one thousand castellanos. indeed, he proved most affable and accommodating, willing to acknowledge the king of spain, accept christianity, or anything they desired; so much so that the spaniards called him cacique amigo. an expedition was organized against the inhabitants of a neighboring island, named by the spaniards isla de varones, in which they were joined by pequeari, brother of cebaco, with nine canoes. these islanders were found entrenched in a log fortress, surrounded by a ditch, and so difficult to carry that the assailants were repeatedly thrown back 428 and must have failed but for their artillery. seven leagues to the westward was an island called cabo,[xi-13] where the spaniards found a little gold. thence they kept along the mainland, but the inhabitants were so fierce they dared not land. some boatmen told them, however, that through the lands of the adjoining provinces, torra and tabraba, the distance to the north sea was but three days' journey. and here they met with rumors of a rich and powerful nation to the westward, with double faces and rounded feet—an allusion probably to the table-land civilization. there are people with the former characteristic even to-day, and among our superior european culture.
south sea explorations.
hurtado explored the coast as far as the gulf of nicoya,[xi-14] about one hundred and forty leagues from natá. in the vicinity of the golfo dulce,[xi-15] the people were called chiuchires. the beauty and fruitfulness of the country proved a constant temptation to the spaniards to land and dispute possession with the owners, who appeared along the shore with drum and trumpet to frighten the visitation. but such was not hurtado's purpose, nor his ability; from nicoya he returned to join espinosa.
after due deliberation it was determined at antigua that the fishing station of panamá[xi-16] should be 429 the site of the chief city, the terminal post of the transcontinental line on the shore of the south sea. and after the return of hurtado, which was early in 1517, espinosa proceeded, under present instructions from pedrarias, to place an establishment there. its first commander was hernan ponce, who had just returned with hurtado from the nicoya expedition.[xi-17]
gold hunting.
during the absence of hurtado, espinosa had proceeded to quema in his search for paris, and the gold that badajoz had lost, but he was soon obliged to leave that province on account of the scarcity of provisions. two days' journey inland brought the spaniards to a village governed by a cacique called chiracona, who was accused of having been instrumental in the defeat of badajoz, and who now held in his possession two of the baskets of gold. into this province, famous for the bravery of its men and the beauty of its women, and also as being haunted by tuyraes, or devils, diego de albites was sent forward with sixty men, the remainder of the company following at a slower march while feeding on reed roots. "by god's will," says the pious licentiate, "the cacique was captured with his women and children." chiracona at first denied the impeachment, but when tortured he promised to produce the gold.
the poor fellow really knew nothing of the treasure, but he saw that it was necessary for him to confess something if he would live. and under the pressure his wits quickened. according to tradition the rendezvous of devils was a mountain fastness, ten leagues distant, into which tartarean retreat no man 430 had ever ventured. "if," thought the sadly battered chiracona, "these infernal christians can be enticed thither, there will be a happy end of them." but when he told them of the beauty and fertility of the place, and of the vast stores of wealth the ages had garnered there, a woman of escoria, whom the chaste licentiate regarded with tender favor, besought her master not to enter that dangerous recess, for she had heard say that chiracona sought only the destruction of the spaniards, confident that the earth would open to swallow them. but the licentiate replied, "have no misgivings, amiga mia; christians fear not devils; devils fear christians, and fly before them." and so pedro de gamez was sent with seventy men to the abode of the devils. the night following there was a terrible earthquake: both heathen and christian believed his hour had come; and as chiracona rode in his house the oscillating earth, as in a canoe he rode the billowy ocean, he smiled to think how well his plan was working.
next day gamez returned without the gold; whereat both white men and red were disappointed, the former because the treasure was not forthcoming, the latter because the spanish had returned unharmed, since this would beside require chiracona to invent some new pastime for their greedy avarice. the spaniards remained at this place two months, living on supplies forced from chiracona, and urging upon him christianity, allegiance to spain, and the delivery of the gold. finding him obdurate on all these points, they gave him to the dogs and went their way. paris being heard of at quema, diego de albites was sent thither, but was unsuccessful in the primary object of his mission. the 2d of january, 1517, all passed into escoria, whence albites was despatched on a three days' journey to the northward to capture a cacique named tabraba. he was successful, and secured gold to the value of four thousand castellanos.
return of espinosa to antigua.
espinosa now made ready for returning to the 431 north sea. it filled him with indignation to witness the ingratitude of the few caciques whose lives he had spared. natá apostatized, burned the spaniards' palisades, destroyed their growing grain, and joined a hostile confederacy. the people of chirú and elsewhere retired, thus adding insult to the failure to supply articles for plunder. while passing through tubanamá, espinosa overthrew a chief named chamna, who had been hostile to vasco nu?ez. in comagre he found serrano, sent again to scourge that almost desolate province. half famished the spaniards arrived at acla, and were overjoyed to find vasco nu?ez, who gave them food and provided them a vessel in which to return to antigua.
the alcalde mayor's were the mightiest stealings of them all. herrera estimates the returns of gold at eighty thousand pesos, and two thousand captives for slaves. after giving the king his fifth, and the governor and officials each a liberal share, there was enough distributed among the soldiers to make each esteem himself rich. then followed days and nights of glorious debauch, in which, beside women and wine, gambling was conspicuous. a second distribution of capital was speedily effected under the auspices of the goddess unfathomable. it was paltry to bet less than a peso on any game, while a slave was a common wager. the governor, his council, and the soldiers took jovial parts in the exercise, and it is said that pedrarias at one sitting played away a hundred slaves. it was of great avail, indeed, with such servants and subjects, for the king to forbid playing-cards to be sent to the new world, and for the council of the indies to restrict a twenty-four hours' loss at play to ten castellanos.
