how the discovery of a southern sea was regarded in spain—the enemies of vasco nu?ez at court—pedrarias dávila appointed governor—departure from spain and arrival at antigua—arbolancha in spain—pedrarias persecutes balboa—the king's requirement of the indians—juan de ayora sent to plant a line of fortresses between the two seas—which work he leaves for wholesale robbery—bartolomé hurtado sent to bring in the plunder—disastrous attempts to violate the sepulchres of cenú—expedition of tello de guzman to the south sea—the site of panamá discovered—the golden temple of dabaiba once more—gaspar de morales and francisco pizarro visit the south sea.
in spain the tidings of balboa's discovery created little less sensation than had that of columbus twenty-two years before. the hypothesis still obtaining that america was eastern asia, to what new manifestations was not this southern sea to lead? coupled with the belief was the concurrent testimony of all the native peoples, that along its shores were wealth and industry, gold, pearls, and civilization, hope-inspiring of replenished coffers to ferdinand, and to zealous churchmen of increase of souls. at last, said the wise men, the opulent kingdoms of the eastern indies which have so long eluded our grasp are opened to us.
unfortunately for vasco nu?ez, success came late; for prior to the arrival of his messenger in spain there had been laid a train of events which threatened his ruin. fanned to a yet redder reality by the argumentative winds of the atlantic, enciso's wrath glowed 387 hot as he pictured to the king in only too truthful colors the quality of justice administered in his name to his subjects of antigua. and the bachiller became really happy as he rolled the story of nicuesa's wrongs, a sweet morsel, under his tongue, to the utter demolition of his enemies. zamudio and vasco nu?ez were condemned, as we have seen, and the king determined to send out a new governor who should investigate and punish.
a new governor.
out of the many applying was chosen a gentleman of arias in segovia, pedro arias de ávila, called by spanish contemporaries pedrarias, and by english historians dávila. he was large of frame, pronounced in mind and temper, and coarse-grained throughout, the grizzled hair surrounding his dark features like the selfish and unholy nature that environed his swarthy soul. whence it would appear that he was elderly for so rude a mission, which was true; but being an officer in good repute, well born and highly connected,[x-1] and with no lack of fire and stubbornness remaining, his age was not reckoned so much against him. the nicknames el galan and el justador were significant of a gay and courtly youth, as that of furor domini, given him by the monks of the new world, was of a virulent old age. he was rich, at least his friends were, so that money was at his command. fonseca favored the appointment—a habit the bishop had of looking kindly on those whose petitions were backed by gold. and so ferdinand made him governor and captain-general of castilla del oro, which was now ordered to be called castilla aurífica.[x-2]
several causes united to favor pedrarias at this 388 juncture. the arrival at court of caicedo and colmenares, commissioned by the settlers of antigua to report the rumors concerning a sea to the south, and solicit aid for an expedition in that direction, renewed speculation and inspired enthusiasm.[x-3] the envoys were graciously received, and presented by bishop fonseca to the king, who listened with attention to their recitals. "they often sojourned with me," says old peter martyr, "and their countenances declare the intemperateness of the air of darien; for they are yellow like those afflicted with the jaundice," or as oviedo expresses it, "as yellow as the gold they went to seek," "and also swollen," continues the former, "the cause whereof they ascribe to the hunger endured in times past." the air of mystery enfolding the region, no less than the gold displayed by persons coming thence, threw over the enterprise a charm which brought to the standard of pedrarias hundreds of eager applicants. then there was the sudden breaking-up of the italian expedition under gonsalo de córdoba. the french victory at ravenna, which threatened king ferdinand's neapolitan possessions, had roused the chivalry of spain, and when the standard of the gran capitan was raised at seville, thither flocked youthful cavaliers and veteran soldiers burning to enlist under the banner of so great a leader in so glorious a cause. but the king, envious of the popularity of his general, in a fit of jealousy countermanded the expedition, thus filling the streets of seville with purposeless men, many of whom had sold or pawned their birthright for means to procure an outfit, and who now preferred any adventure, however desperate, rather than return in humiliation to their homes. therefore they hailed with rapture 389 this new world enterprise where gold as well as glory might be won. moreover, the success of portugal in india, with which spain's in the west compared unfavorably, and which had engendered both fear and envy, oiled the wheels of government and unlocked the royal strong-box, so that the ducats of pedrarias were increased in number to fifty thousand, "an enormous sum in those days," as quintana observes, "in the expenditure of which was manifest the interest and importance attached to the enterprise."[x-4] arms and ammunition were drawn from the royal arsenal; and in place of the heavy iron armor which had proved oppressive in tropical latitudes, were substituted wooden bucklers and coats of quilted cotton, proof sufficient against the weapons of the natives. the fleet numbered about nineteen sail, with accommodations for twelve hundred men. these were soon enrolled, while as many more offering themselves had of necessity to be refused. subsequently, by permission of the council of the indies, the number was increased to fifteen hundred.[x-5]
retinue of pedrarias.
pedrarias was accompanied by his wife, isabel de bobadilla, an estimable lady, niece to the marchioness de moya.[x-6] the other members of his family, consisting of four sons and four daughters, were left in spain. among the officers were several nobles; and his followers consisted, as was usual in these mad 390 migrations, of persons of every caste, not alone the young and naturally thoughtless, but, if we may credit peter martyr, "no small number of covetous old men" were of the company. they were mostly officials, cavaliers and ecclesiastics, however, for governing, fighting, and preaching offered the chief attractions; and very few artisans, agriculturists, or colonists of value in constructing a permanent and prosperous commonwealth. under the new government a young man from the schools of salamanca, called the licenciado gaspar de espinosa, was appointed alcalde mayor; bachiller enciso, alguacil mayor; alonso de la puente, treasurer; gonzalo fernandez de oviedo y valdés, the historian, veedor or inspector;[x-7] diego marquez, contador, and juan de tabira, factor. the fighting men were, first, the governor's lieutenant, juan de ayora, an hidalgo of córdova, and brother of the chronicler, gonzalo de ayora. next, captains of hundreds, luis carrillo, francisco dávila, antonio tello de guzman, diego de bustamante, gonzalo de badajoz, diego albites, contreras, gamarra, villafa?e, atienza, meneses, gonzalo fernandez de llago, francisco compa?on, francisco vazquez coronado de valdés, juan de zorita, francisco hernandez, gaspar de morales, cousin of the governor, and a nephew of the governor, likewise named pedrarias, captain of artillery, and others. several of these names became notable, and we shall meet them hereafter. chief of the spiritual army, under the title of bishop of darien,[x-8] was juan de quevedo, the first prelate to come to tierra firme; and with him was a company of franciscan friars. bernal diaz del castillo, then but little more than a youth, afterward the chronicler of the mexican conquest, came with 391 the expedition, and also pascual de andagoya, hernando de soto, discoverer of the mississippi, benalcázar, who afterward conquered quito, and diego de almagro, one of the pacificators of peru. it was, in truth, a brilliant company. juan serrano was chief pilot, he who was subsequently killed with magellan, the discoverer of the strait that now bears that name.
regulations for the colony.
cemaco's village, still bearing the name of santa maría de la antigua del darien, was by royal ordinance raised to the title and dignity of a city, with metropolitan prerogatives, ecclesiastical as well as civil. lengthy instructions were provided the governor by the council of the indies. he was charged to see that his people were properly clad, comfortably but not extravagantly; to prohibit the sale or use of cards and dice; to punish murder, theft, and blasphemy; to tolerate no lawyer or any ecclesiastical or professional or unprofessional practitioner of the law in the colony;[x-9] to take no important step without consulting the bishop and other royal officials—an injudicious measure which broke society into factions; to render justice quickly and in accordance with the laws of spain; to be a bright and shining light to the heathen in all truth and fair honesty; and, last of all, by no means to forget the king's share of the spoils taken in the exercise of said virtues.[x-10] the new governor was furthermore charged to strip from vasco nu?ez de balboa all semblance of authority, and to bring him to a strict account for his misdeeds. the survivors of poor nicuesa's followers were to be treated with special leniency, even to the remitting of the king's 392 fifth on their accumulations. all this, it will be remembered, was before the discovery of the south sea became known in spain; and that discovery remained still unrevealed when, on the 11th of april, 1514, after an ostentatious review in the plaza of seville, the fleet sailed away in grand glee from san lúcar.[x-11] after touching at some of the islands for the purpose of capturing caribs for slaves, and also at santa marta in order to ascertain the fate of eleven spaniards said to have been left there by rodrigo de colmenares, the armament reached darien in safety. significant of the coming rule was an incident which occurred during one of the landings. a servant of pedrarias, named san martin, had failed in respect toward ayora, the governor's lieutenant, while ashore. informed of it, pedrarias ordered ayora to return immediately and hang the offender to the first tree, which was done.[x-12]
scarcely had the vessels of pedrarias disappeared from the shore of spain, when the tardy envoy of vasco nu?ez arrived at court, and craved audience of the king. pedro de arbolancha had unfortunately delayed his departure from darien for two months after the return of the south sea discoverers. on this point of time turned the destinies of vasco nu?ez and of the new world. pedrarias would scarcely have been made governor; pizarro would probably never have become the conqueror of peru, and vasco nu?ez might possibly have reached mexico before cortés. 393
arbolancha was conducted into the royal presence. he displayed his treasures and told his tale. the sovereign's heart was touched at the soldier's recital. those pearls! they would make the darkest deeds resplendent in righteousness. and that new southern sea! surely it would wash away far deeper stains than any which sullied the hands of its gallant discoverer. oh! that this man had sooner come; for then the many thousand ducats spent on old pedrarias might not have been out of their box. what this costly armament was sent out to do, a handful of roving spaniards had done, under the leadership of a condemned man, against whom the royal wrath up to this moment had burned. and in this achieving there had been neither much bloodshed nor any cost to spain; the current formulas for securing possession had been observed, and even the king's fifth and the king's present were not forgotten. in such performance there was manifest no mean mind; any further thought for the punishment of so meritorious a cavalier could not be entertained; and king ferdinand resolved that vasco nu?ez should not go unrewarded. so rides success triumphant, even sagacious royalty bending its stiff neck before it.[x-13]
arrival of pedrarias.
meanwhile pedrarias entered urabá gulf and anchored his fleet before antigua. not knowing in what temper the redoubtable chieftain of the town might receive a successor, pedrarias despatched an officer to acquaint the colonists with his presence, and with the nature of his commission. landing, the messenger asked of the first men he met for their leader. he was pointed where some native workmen were thatching a small cottage under the direction of a man clad in cotton jacket and drawers and pack-thread 394 shoes. now silk and brocade was the covering this petty officer had provided himself withal to flaunt it in italy, while this cotton-clad fellow looked more like a common laborer than the governor of a spanish colony. nevertheless the officer knew his duty and approached the man in cotton respectfully. "i come from don pedrarias de ávila," said he, "lately appointed governor of darien."
it was sudden; like death, which, even when expected, seems abrupt. how swiftly in his brain revolved probabilities and possibilities. with self-possession and courteous dignity, however, he answered presently: "say to don pedrarias that he is welcome to antigua."
next day, which was the 30th of june, pedrarias disembarked. the landing, where he formed his brilliant retinue, preparatory to the entry into the metropolis, was a league from the town. on one side the governor held by the hand his wife, do?a isabel, and on the other, arrayed in episcopal robes, walked the bishop of darien, while dignitaries, officers, cavaliers, and adventurers followed in the line of march. near antigua they were met by the sallow-faced colonists, who, though ragged, were rich both in experience and in gold.
the two leaders met with great courtesy; vasco nu?ez was reverent, pedrarias gracious. then all went forward to the town, the friars chanting their te deum laudamus for delivery from ocean perils. vasco nu?ez conducted pedrarias and the officers to his own dwelling, while the remainder of the company were distributed among the colonists. and soon a new world repast was spread before the new-comers, consisting wholly of native products, maize bread, esculent roots, fish, and fruit, and to drink water.
hypocrisy and hatred.
and now begins a game played by malevolent craft on one side, and honorable frankness on the other, 395 which is unapproached by any of the new world trickeries and treacheries. for whatever his faults, whatever the pitfalls his tumultuous destiny had spread for him, vasco nu?ez was by nature single-hearted and chivalrous, whereas pedrarias dávila was almost satanic in jealousy and cold hatred.
seeking an early interview, the latter assumes an air of friendship, praises vasco nu?ez for his abilities, congratulates him on his successes, and speaks of the high appreciation of the king. and as the object of both is only the welfare of the colony, will he not kindly write down what he has done and what he is just now intending to do? thrown from his guard by this semblance of sincerity, vasco nu?ez consents, and writes not only what will enable pedrarias to profit by his experience, but, as the governor hopes, to occasion his overthrow. for the old man is not slow to perceive, on arriving at antigua and learning of the wonderful discovery, that he is now and must be in reality second in these parts where so lately he was appointed first. dropping the mask, he institutes charges, and orders vasco nu?ez to stand trial for his life.
as alcalde mayor, the investigation must be brought before the licentiate espinosa, and he, in conformity with royal instructions, had to be associated with the bishop quevedo. though inexperienced, espinosa is honest. as for the prelate—does not the accused pray devoutly, and pay liberally? and does he not send the good bishop gifts of slaves, and share with him several lucrative enterprises? go to! he of the cask is not so great a simpleton after all. he forces even do?a isabel to smile upon him. he is acquitted. the enraged pedrarias then hurls civil processes at him, until he is nearly ruined. enciso meanwhile manufactures fresh guilt relative to the affair of nicuesa. it is of no use; for the bishop fattens. pedrarias now swears he will send the fellow to spain for trial. this does not suit 396 quevedo. "what madness," drawls the bishop, "to send a successful man to court. know you not that ere this all europe is ringing his praises? better keep him within your grasp; become reconciled, then crush him under your protecting wing." never is more diabolical mercy solicited for a friend. the governor perceives more than the prelate intends, and immediately arrays his villainy in friendship's smiling garb.
amid such profitless pastime, too often the chief occupation of rulers, the so lately hilarious fifteen hundred were becoming hungry. the provisions they had brought were exhausted. looking at the five hundred old settlers, the remnant of other fifteen hundred, the unseasoned opened speculation as to their own similar contraction. and straightway they began to die; twenty a day, until seven hundred were buried in their brocades. sending under a strong guard some provisions to a secret spot, at a distance from the town, pedrarias repaired thither and fed himself.
immediate occupation alone could save the survivors. taking advantage of balboa's plans, pedrarias determined to appropriate to himself the benefits of his discovery. luckily, on hearing of the late discovery, the king had written to establish a line of posts from sea to sea,[x-14] to make settlements, selecting therefor healthy sites, where was good water; also to build a town on the shore of san miguel gulf, and three or four caravels likewise, giving them in charge of skilful captains for the prosecution of new discoveries in that direction. accordingly, at once to plant the line of posts and circumvent any efforts of vasco nu?ez in that direction, juan de ayora with four hundred 397 men was despatched across the mountains from careta.
we have found balboa's policy in his treatment of the natives severe enough, but that which was now to be inaugurated makes his conduct seem humane in comparison. whatever harsh measures circumstances at times seemed to him to render necessary, the fact remains that on his return from the south sea expedition he left the nations friendly.[x-15] in all their bloody pacifyings, probably not one of the new world commanders so nearly observed the wishes of their catholic majesties as vasco nu?ez.
requirement of the indians.
among the rules respecting the natives was one directing how war should be made, and what the savages must do in order to save themselves and their lands. the formula drawn at an earlier date by a conclave of spanish jurists and divines, by which nicuesa, ojeda, and others were to take possession of territories, was superseded by a requirement of the indians furnished pedrarias by his sovereign, a translation of which i give in full below.[x-16] this requirement, 398 which heralded to the heathen the name of christ and european civilization in terms ridiculous 399 and distasteful enough, was mild and logical in its intention as compared with the horrors attending its execution. in the instructions accompanying the requerimiento, pedrarias had been charged never to wage war unless the indians were the aggressors, nor until they had been summoned to obedience once, twice, three times. this the governor told his lieutenant, but pedrarias likewise told ayora to send him food and gold without delay. it was seldom difficult to excite savages to acts of aggression, and as for reading to the natives the requerimiento, as required by law, that might be done by the notary at his convenience, but never so as to interfere with the advantages of a sudden surprise or preliminary butchery. in a word, the requirement was no less void in practice than absurd in theory.
ayora's outrages.
the first action of ayora was evidence of this. ever since the union of vasco nu?ez and careta's daughter, equivalent with the natives to a marriage, the most friendly relations had existed between the spaniards and careta's people. not only did the cacique present his respects in person to pedrarias, but many times he sent food to the famishing colonists. it seems incredible that creatures in human form, to say nothing of european or christian men, should repay such kindness by sudden, unprovoked attack, such as surprising peaceful villages by night, firing the 400 houses, and murdering some of the slumberers while taking captive others, all being attended by wanton cruelty and pillage. yet such was the fate of careta, panciaco, and other friends and allies of vasco nu?ez. from the accident of conquest, captives for slaves had become one of the objects of conquest.
map of isthmus of darien
after this brilliant achievement at careta, ayora passed on to a small port which he named santa cruz,[x-17] where he planted the initial settlement of the line which was to extend from sea to sea. leaving there eighty men, he marched southward, robbing 401 and murdering as he went. "the caciques were tortured to make them disclose their gold," writes oviedo. "some they roasted, others they threw to the dogs, others were hanged."[x-18]
hurtado sent out.
if not for the church, then for himself the good bishop of darien was interested in the spoils of god's enemies everywhere. in ayora's maraudings he had special interest; and no intelligence reaching antigua for some time concerning them, quevedo suggested to pedrarias that a messenger be sent to ascertain his lieutenant's progress. bartolomé hurtado, once the friend of vasco nu?ez, but anxious now before the new powers to wipe out that stain, was accordingly sent to bring in the plunder.
on the way, to please pedrarias, hurtado sought to excel ayora in rapine; but that was impossible. in returning with the plunder, however, he stopped at careta's village and asked for men to carry burdens to antigua, and this was readily granted by the chief, anxious as he still was for the friendship of the spaniards. after honorably discharging his trust with regard to ayora and pedrarias, in manner becoming a christian and a cavalier, he selected from careta's men six of the finest specimens and presented them as slaves to the governor; to the worthy bishop he gave other six; and to espinosa four. after thus going the rounds among the high officials, the remainder were branded and sold into slavery at public sale.[x-19] hurtado was forgiven his former humanity. 402
entering the dominions of tubanamá, juan de ayora planted there another fortress which he left in charge of meneses. but instead of continuing his labors across the isthmus, as ordered, he determined to give himself wholly up to robbery, and escape the country before his offences should be fully known. following this plan he soon found himself overloaded with booty; and, leaving his captains to overrun the land at pleasure, he returned with his captives, gold, and provisions to antigua. the gold, he said, must remain untouched, for future division. the provisions were deposited with the governor, and the captives distributed among the royal officers, who had been sent hither at the king's cost, to see among other things that the natives were not enslaved. yet ayora was ill at ease. his dreams and meditations were not pleasant; he knew that there must be a day of reckoning when his atrocities became known. the villain determined to escape before the return of the captains. making ready with his men, he watched his opportunity, and seizing one of the ships lying at the anchorage, not unknown to the governor however, as many think, he escaped with his booty. peter martyr, while acknowledging a long acquaintance with ayora, says that "in all the turmoyles and tragicall affayres of the ocean, nothing hath so muche displeased me, as the couetousnesse of this man, who hath so disturbed the pacified minds of the kinges." and "if juan de ayora had been punished for his many injuries to the peaceable caciques," wrote vasco nu?ez subsequently to the king, "the other captains would not have dared to commit like excesses."[x-20]
the chronicles continue in about the same strain. shortly after ayora, francisco becerra came in from the hunt with gold to the value of seven thousand pesos 403 de oro, and with over one hundred captives, by the judicious distribution of which official inquiry was not only quieted, but becerra obtained a new commission. he was sent with one hundred and eighty men and three pieces of artillery to cenú, to avenge the death of forty-eight men lost by francisco de vallejo some time before. it was here that enciso once attempted to violate the native sepulchres in search of golden ornaments. becerra went with the determination to spare neither age nor sex; but, on landing, the party was decoyed into ambush and every man of them slain by the poisoned arrows of the enemy, a native servant-boy of becerra alone escaping to carry the news to antigua.
destruction of santa cruz.
since the whole region was in arms the eighty men at santa cruz found it every day more difficult to sustain life by stealing. wherever the savages could catch them they repaid their cruelties in kind, cutting off the limbs with sharp stones, or pouring melted gold down their throats, crying "eat! eat gold, christians! take your fill of gold!"[x-21]
growing yet bolder, pocorosa collected a large force and captured the fort, five spaniards only escaping to antigua.[x-22] thus within six months after establishing santa cruz, not a vestige of the settlement remained.
tello de guzman and albites.
antonio tello de guzman was sent with one hundred men to continue the work abandoned by ayora. departing from antigua early in november, 1515, he 404 proceeded to the province of tubanamá[x-23] and found the fortress, in command of captain meneses, besieged by the savages, and the garrison reduced to the last extremity. the place was abandoned, and meneses marched southward with guzman into the provinces of chepo and chepauri. there they were met by several caciques combined to oppose them; but the savages were persuaded to think better of it. chepo presented his visitors with a large amount of gold and feasted them. while seated at dinner a young cacique rushed in greatly excited and denounced the host as a usurper, who had defrauded him of his inheritance. "reinstate me," he urged, "and i will give you twice the gold chepo has given." the argument was irresistible. chepo was hanged; seven of his principal men were given to the dogs, and the adjudicators received gold to the value of six thousand pesos. then they went their way.
as they approached the seaboard they heard a place much spoken of which the natives called panamá. it must be that gold or pearls were there, the spaniards thought; for how otherwise could any place be famous? on reaching it, however, they were disappointed to find only a collection of fishermen's huts, the word panamá, in the aboriginal tongue, signifying "a place where many fish are taken."[x-24] resting here with part of his company, tello de guzman despatched diego de albites with eighty men to the rich province of chagre, ten leagues distant; and this captain plumes 405 himself, and we permit him in god's name, that he did not murder the sleepy savages when, roused at dead of night, they gazed with stolid astonishment on their strange visitors, and promptly paid twelve hundred pesos for the privilege to be left alive. acquiring so much so easily, albites deemed it only proper to demand more, and handing another large sack to the cacique, he told him to fill it with gold. "i can fill your sack with stones from the brook," was the reply, "but i cannot make gold, neither have i any more." even for this the good albites did not cast him to the dogs, but took his departure for pacora,[x-25] where joined by guzman the entire company returned to tubanamá.
panamá
thus far the expedition of tello de guzman had been prosperous, and more important than he himself imagined, for his was the first visit of spaniards to the site of the afterwards renowned city of panamá. hence to antigua, however, the march was distressing. elated by his success at santa cruz, pocorosa 406 appeared at tubanamá; with an increased force. hoisting as banners the bloody raiment of slain christians, the savages brandished their gory pennons on every hillside, crying, "behold the fate of the accursed, who leave their homes to mar the peace of unoffending nations." all along down the mountain and over the burning plain of darien to the very threshold of antigua, the spaniards fought a hidden foe, who never offered pitched battle, but so harassed them that ofttimes they were on the point of throwing away their heavy plates of gold, and lying down to die from thirst, hunger, and exhaustion. nevertheless they arrived at antigua with many slaves and much treasure.
all this time vasco nu?ez was left in the background; and while such dastardly doings were in order it was as well for every honorable man to remain unoccupied. it was hard, however, to remain idle; and in an evil moment, at the earnest solicitations of the old comrades who had no confidence in any other leader, he consented to take part in another expedition to dabaiba, in search of the gold and the golden temple there. it was a desperate undertaking, as the former adventure had proved, but the colony was an ixion's wheel that kept the government ever moving.
when two hundred men were ready, and the question of leadership arose, pedrarias named luis carrillo; but there were those who would not go except under vasco nu?ez. then it occurred to the governor to divide the leadership in such a way that if the expedition proved successful his own captain should have the credit, and if a failure, the blame should fall upon his enemy. and so it was arranged, to the infinite disgust of balboa, who plainly saw the governor's purpose, and would have declined could he have done so without prejudice to his friends. embarking in june, 1515, and ascending the atrato 407 for some distance, the expedition was suddenly surrounded by hostile canoes which darted simultaneously from beneath the foliage overhanging either bank. the spaniards were taken at a disadvantage; for beside attacking them with wooden lances the savages, who were more expert upon the water than the spaniards, dived under and overturned their canoes, to the destruction of one half the expedition. among the lost was luis carrillo. the one hundred survivors found their way back to antigua with no small difficulty.
expedition up the atrato.
one might think that this would be enough of the golden temple for the present. but not so. these men were not castilians if danger and defeat acted otherwise than as stimulants to new adventure. furthermore, like the honors of the arena which are magnified by the difficulties of their attainment, the mysterious dominion so stubbornly defended must hold great treasure, and in the inflamed minds of the spaniards the savage pantheon of dabaiba had risen into a lofty edifice glittering with gold and gems, and situated in a region rich and beautiful beyond comparison. and juan de tabira, the factor, was confident he could capture it, as likewise was juan de birues the inspector. they would build three light brigantines; and with these, and a small fleet of canoes, and, say one hundred and sixty men, bid defiance to the demon host of dabaiba. this they did, tabira commanding. the cost fell heavy on the factor, but the king's chest helped him out, if herrera speaks truly.
as hitherto, the invaders were attacked, but the savages were easily beaten off. not so the goddess of the golden temple, who sent such a flood as uprooted trees, overturned the factor's vessel, and drowned among others both tabira and birues. francisco pizarro being of the party was asked to assume command and continue up the river, but he declined, and further efforts in that direction were abandoned.[x-26] 408
a visit to the pearl islands.
rumors arriving from spain of the recognition by the india council of the services and merits of vasco nu?ez, pedrarias hastened to move men to the southern seaboard, lest he should see his enemy placed in power there. for this mission were chosen the governor's cousin, gaspar de morales, and francisco pizarro, to whom were given sixty men.[x-27] they were told to cross the mountains by the shortest route, and, taking possession of the pearl islands found and named by vasco nu?ez, to gather the fruit thereof. the object of the europeans in attacking the islanders was, of course, to extend the boundaries of their enlightened, just, and humane civilization, and bring the benighted heathen to a knowledge of the christian religion. true, they might gather a little gold, or pick up such pearls as fell in their way, for the laborer is worthy of his hire.
on reaching the seashore, morales quartered half of his men, under pe?alosa, on a cacique named tutibrá, and the remainder on the neighboring chieftain, tunaca. chiapes and tumaco, still loyal to the spaniards, joined them there. every requisite, food, boats, and men, was provided by the savages with alacrity, for they who should despoil their ancient enemy were welcome.
one day, just before dark, morales and pizarro with thirty spaniards and a large company of natives embarked in a fleet of canoes, but so boisterous was the sea that they were unable to reach the islands before the next day. landing on one of the smaller islands and meeting but slight resistance, the invaders passed over to isla rica, as it was called by vasco nu?ez, the largest of the group, where dwelt the terrible king, who made the caciques of the mainland 409 tremble, and who now, nothing daunted, came forward at the head of his warriors and fought the strangers bravely. and notwithstanding castilian gunpowder, steel, and bloodhounds heaping in lifeless masses before his eyes his best and bravest, the stubborn king fought on as if he knew not how to yield. finally chiapes and tumaco spoke to him, and showed how vain resistance was, how valuable the friendship of the strangers. believing this, the island monarch submitted, and brought the spaniards to the spacious palace, as the old chroniclers called his house, and set before them a basket of large and lustrous pearls to satisfy their avaricious souls. in return the king was made passing rich by a present of a few cheap hand-mirrors, some hawk-bells and hatchets, and exhibited almost as foolish a delight over his trinkets as did the europeans over theirs. "commend me to the friendship of these gods," cried the king, as he sought his swarthy other self behind the mirror, and jingled the hawk-bells, so much more beautiful than pearls, and tried the keen edge of his hatchet on the skull of a slave standing by. embracing morales he led him to a tower which crowned the dwelling, and commanded a view of the isle-dotted ocean on every side. "behold," he said, "the infinite sea extending beyond the sunbeams; behold these islands on the right hand and on the left. all are mine; all abound in pearls, whereof you shall have as many as desired if you continue my friend." he also spoke of the nations of the distant mainland whose mighty power was evidenced by the ships which he had sometimes seen.
morales readily promised eternal friendship, stipulating only that one hundred marks of pearls should be annually paid the king of castile, and to this assented the king of dites,[x-28] as the natives called isla rica. in order, so far as possible, to render insignificant 410 the achievement of vasco nu?ez, morales had been instructed to take possession of the south sea for the king of spain in the name of pedrarias. this was now done. the name of isla de flores was substituted for that of isla rica, and the holy rite of baptism was administered to the king, who received the name pedro arias.[x-29]
misfortunes of morales.
the good fortune of morales now forsook him. on returning to the mainland he found that the country was in arms, owing to the excesses of pe?alosa, who was a relative of isabel, wife of pedrarias. the villain had repaid the hospitality of tutibrá by outrages on his women, and the chieftains had in consequence confederated for the protection of their homes. in revenge for this morales spread fire and sword throughout that region. on one occasion eighteen caciques, called to a friendly council, were treacherously seized and given to the dogs; at another time seven hundred savages are said to have been slain within an hour. but in burning the village of a cacique named birú,[x-30] on the eastern side of the gulf, the spaniards were repulsed, and in attempting to cross the mountains to darien they lost their way, and after considerable wandering and suffering found themselves back at the starting-point. again they essayed the transit, a handful of men amidst infuriated hosts. in retaliation for night attacks, and darts showered by day from cliffs and thickets, the europeans strewed their path with murdered and mutilated captives to the 411 number of one hundred, hoping to intimidate the enemy, who was only the more maddened thereby. thus, midst this bloody disturbance, which in ferocity far exceeded anything of which wild beasts are capable, this band of spanish marauders escaping their just deserts, managed with great tribulation to reach their settlement, still clinging to the gold and pearls.[x-31]
to gaspar de morales vasco nu?ez pays the same encomiums as to the other captains of pedrarias. "be it known to your majesty," he writes, "that during this excursion was perpetrated the greatest cruelty ever heard of in arabian or christian country, in any generation. and this it is. this captain and the surviving christians while on their journey took nearly one hundred indians of both sexes, mostly women and children, fastened them with chains, and afterward ordered them to be decapitated and scalped." but "being cousin and servant of the governor," adds oviedo, he suffers "neither pain nor punishment."
