the year 1618 is distinguished in the annals of venice, by a conspiracy of a more formidable nature than any hitherto mentioned. the design of other conspiracies was a change in the form of government, or, at most, the destruction of some particular class of men in power; but the present plot had for its object the total annihilation of the venetian republic. i speak of the conspiracy formed by the marquis of bedmar, ambassador from the court of spain, in conjunction with the duke of ossono, and the spanish governor of the milanese.
the interesting manner in which this dark design has been described by the abbé st. real, has made it more universally known than any other part of the[202] venetian story. this writer is accused of having ornamented his account with some fanciful circumstances, an objection often enviously urged against some of the most agreeable writers, by authors whom nature has guarded from the possibility of committing such an error; men, whose truths are less interesting than fictions, and whose fictions are as dull as the most insipid truths. does any reader believe that the speeches of the generals before a battle, as recorded by livy, were actually pronounced in the terms of that author? or, can any one wish they were expunged from his history? abbé st. real has also put speeches into the mouths of the conspirators, and has embellished, without materially altering, the real circumstances of the story. for my own part, i feel a degree of gratitude to every person who has entertained me; and while my passions are agreeably agitated with st. real’s lively history, i cannot bear that a phlegmatic fellow should interrupt my enjoyment;[203] and, because of a few embellishments, declare, with an affected air of wisdom, that the whole is an idle romance.
the discovery of this plot, and the impressions of jealousy and terror which it left on the minds of the inhabitants of venice, probably first suggested a plan of a more wicked nature than any of the conspiracies we have hitherto mentioned, and which was actually put in execution.
a set of villains combined together to accuse some of the nobility of treasonable practices, merely for the sake of the rewards bestowed upon informers. this horrid crime may be expected in all governments where spies and informers are encouraged; it certainly occurs frequently at venice; sometimes, no doubt, without being detected, and sometimes it is detected, without being publicly punished, for fear of discouraging the business of information: but on the discovery of the present combination, all venice was struck with such[204] horror, that the senate thought proper to publish every circumstance.
a certain number of those miscreants acted the part of accusers; the others, being seized by the information of their accomplices, appeared as witnesses.
a noble venetian, of a respectable character, and advanced in years, of the name of foscarini, fell a victim to this horrid cabal; and venice beheld with astonishment and sorrow, one of her most respectable citizens accused, condemned, and executed as a traitor.
at length, accusations followed each other so close, that they created suspicions in the minds of the judges. the informers themselves were seized, and examined separately, and the whole dreadful scheme became manifest. these wretches suffered the punishment due to such complicated villany; the honour of foscarini was re-instated, and every possible compensation[205] made to his injured family. an instance like this, of the despotic precipitancy of the inquisitors, more than counterbalances all the benefit which the state ever receives from them, or the odious race of informers they encourage.
if the trial of the unfortunate foscarini had been open, or public, and not in secret, according to the form of the inquisitor’s court; and if he had been allowed to call exculpatory evidence, and assisted by those friends who knew all his actions, the falsehood and villany of these accusers would probably have been discovered, and his life saved.
in the year 1645, the turks made an unexpected and sudden descent on the island of candia. the senate of venice did not display their usual vigilance on this occasion. they had seen the immense warlike preparations going forward, and yet allowed themselves to be amused by the grand seignior’s declaring war against[206] malta, and pretending that the armament was intended against that island. the troops landed without opposition, and the town of canéa was taken after an obstinate defence.
this news being brought to venice, excited an universal indignation against the turks; and the senate resolved to defend, to the utmost, this valuable part of the empire. extraordinary ways and means of raising money were fallen upon: among others, it was proposed to sell the rank of nobility. four citizens offered one hundred thousand ducats each for this honour; and, notwithstanding some opposition, this measure was at last carried. eighty families were admitted into the grand council, and to the honour and privileges of the nobility. what an idea does this give of the wealth of the inhabitants of venice?
the siege of candia, the capital of the island of that name, is, in some respects, more memorable than that of any town,[207] which history, or even which poetry, has recorded. it lasted twenty-four years. the amazing efforts made by the republic of venice astonished all europe; their courage interested the gallant spirits of every nation: volunteers from every country came to candia, to exercise their valour, to acquire knowledge in the military art, and assist a brave people whom they admired. the duke of beaufort, so much the darling of the parisian populace during the war of the fronde, was killed here, with many more gallant french officers.
during this famous siege, the venetians gained many important victories over the turkish fleets. sometimes they were driven from the walls of candia, and the turkish garrison of canéa was even besieged by the venetian fleets. the slaughter made of the turkish armies is without example; but new armies were soon found to supply their place, by a government which boasts such populous[208] dominions, and which has despotic authority over its subjects.
mahomet the fourth, impatient at the length of this siege, came to negropont, that he might have more frequent opportunities of hearing from the vizier, who carried on the siege. an officer sent with dispatches, was directed by the vizier, to explain to mahomet the manner in which he made his approaches, and to assure him that he would take all possible care to save the lives of the soldiers. the humane emperor answered, that he had sent the vizier to take the place, and not to spare the lives of soldiers; and he was on the point of ordering the head of the officer who brought this message, to be cut off, merely to quicken the vizier in his operations, and to shew him how little he valued the lives of men.
in spite of the vizier’s boasted parsimony, this war is said to have cost the lives of two hundred thousand turks. candia[209] capitulated in the year 1668: the conditions on this occasion were honourably fulfilled. morsini, the venetian general, after displaying prodigies of valour and capacity, marched out of the rubbish of this well-disputed city, with the honours of war.
the expence of such a tedious war greatly exhausted the resources of venice, which could not now repair them so quickly as formerly, when she enjoyed the rich monopoly of the asiatic trade; the discovery of the cape of good hope having long since opened that valuable commerce to the portuguese and other nations.
this republic remained in a state of tranquillity, endeavouring, by the arts of peace, and cultivation of that share of commerce which she still retained, to fill her empty exchequer, till she was drawn into a new war, in the year 1683, by the insolence of the ottoman court. the venetians had for some time endeavoured, by[210] negociation, and many conciliatory representations, to accommodate matters with the turks; and though the haughty conduct of her enemies afforded small hopes of success, yet such was her aversion to war on the present occasion, that she still balanced, whether to bear those insults, or repel them by arms; when she was brought to decision by an event which gave the greatest joy to venice, and astonished all europe. this was the great victory gained over the turkish army before the walls of vienna, by sobieski, king of poland.
in this new war, their late general morsini again had the command of the fleets and armies of the republic, and sustained the great reputation he had acquired in candia. he conquered the morea, which was ceded formally to venice, with some other acquisition, at the peace of carlowitz, in the last year of the last century.
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during the war of the succession, the state of venice observed a strict neutrality. they considered that dispute as unconnected with their interests, taking care, however, to keep on foot an army on their frontiers in italy, of sufficient force to make them respected by the contending powers. but, soon after the peace of utrecht, the venetians were again attacked by their old enemies the turks; who, beholding the great european powers exhausted by their late efforts, and unable to assist the republic, thought this the favourable moment for recovering the morea, which had been so lately ravished from them. the turks obtained their object, and at the peace of passarowitz, which terminated this unsuccessful war, the venetian state yielded up the morea; the grand seignior, on his part, restoring to them the small islands of cerigo and cerigotto, with some places which his troops had taken during the course of the war in dalmatia. those, with the islands of[212] corfou, santa maura, zante, and cephalonia, the remains of their dominions in the levant, they have since fortified, at a great expence, as their only barriers against the turk.
since this period no essential alteration has taken place in the venetian government, nor has there been any essential increase, or diminution, in the extent of their dominions. they have little to fear at present from the turks, whose attention is sufficiently occupied by a more formidable enemy than the republic and the house of austria united. besides, if the turks were more disengaged, as they have now stripped the republic of cyprus, candia, and their possessions in greece, what remains in the levant is hardly worth their attention.
the declension of venice did not, like that of rome, proceed from the increase of luxury, or the revolt of their own armies in the distant colonies, or from[213] civil wars of any kind. venice has dwindled in power and importance, from causes which could not be foreseen; or guarded against by human prudence, although they had been foreseen. how could this republic have prevented the discovery of a passage to asia by the cape of good hope? or hinder other nations from being inspired with a spirit of enterprise, industry, and commerce? in their present situation there is little probability of their attempting new conquests; happy if they are allowed to remain in the quiet possession of what they have. venice has a most formidable neighbour in the emperor, whose dominions border on those of this republic on all sides. the independency of the republic entirely depends on his moderation; or, in case he should lose that virtue, on the protection of some of the great powers of europe.
i have now finished the sketch i proposed, of the venetian government, with[214] which i could not help intermingling many of the principal historical events; indeed i enlarged on these, after you informed me, that you intended to give your young friend copies of my letters on this subject, before he begins his tour. i wish they were more perfect on his account; they will, at least, prevent his being in the situation of some travellers i have met with, who, after remaining here for many months, knew no more of the ancient or modern state of venice, than that the inhabitants went about in boats instead of coaches, and, generally speaking, wore masks.
