reasons for an appeal to washington—joseph and companions depart for the national capital—the prophet's act of physical heroism—he sees ingratitude—martin van buren and joseph smith—the latter's scorn— cowardice and chicanery—"your cause is just, but i can do nothing for you."
the saints had suffered innocently in missouri; they had appealed in vain for redress; they were impoverished through the robberies which had been perpetrated upon them; and their old men, delicate women, and little children, even after the gathering to nauvoo, were dying of privations.
these were material reasons for an application to the national government for succor; and besides these, the prophet knew that the lord required this appeal to be made that—upon the answer thereto—the nation's responsibility for the barbarities might be judged.
on tuesday, the 29th day of october, 1839, joseph and his companions departed from nauvoo. at columbus, ohio, joseph was obliged to leave sidney rigdon in the care of attendants, as sidney's frail health made travel slow, and the prophet's business required expedition; so joseph went on with judge elias higbee.
joseph and judge higbee traveled in the coach; and on the way while they were passing through the mountains the driver of the stage stopped at a public house to get some liquor. while he was gone the horses took fright and ran down a steep hill, at full speed. the coach was crowded with passengers, some of whom were members of congress, with two or three ladies. there was very much excitement in the vehicle. joseph did all he could to calm his fellow-passengers and was able to reassure most of them. but he had to hold one woman to keep her from throwing her infant out of the stage window. as soon as he got the people in the coach under control, he opened the door; and securing his hold on the side, he climbed up into the driver's seat, a feat requiring physical strength, as well as nerve and a cool head, for the stage was pitching and rolling like a boat in a storm. he instantly seized the lines and stopped the maddened steeds. they had run about three miles; but the coach, horses and passengers all escaped without injury—thanks to joseph's presence of mind and courage. the passengers praised him extravagantly; they thought his conduct most heroic; and the members of congress even went so far as to suggest that the incident should be mentioned in that body, as such a deed of daring deserved a public recognition. but upon inquiring of joseph what his name was, in order to mention it as that of the hero who had saved their lives, they found that their deliverer was joseph smith, the "mormon prophet." the mere mention of the name was sufficient for them; and he heard no more of their praise, gratitude or promises of reward.
joseph and his companion reached washington on the 28th day of november, 1839; and secured rooms at the corner of missouri and third streets. the prophet determined that the cause of his people should be vigorously presented. he visited the leading men of the nation, including the president of the united states, martin van buren. he had prepared for presentation to congress an eloquent memorial in which was plainly stated the crime of missouri. nothing was set down in malice; but the facts were all given in such a straightforward way that they formed apparently an irresistible argument.
the closing paragraphs of this paper must be here presented:
the above statement will also show, that the mormons on all occasions submitted to the laws of the land, and yielded to its authority in every extremity, and at every hazard, at the risk of life and property. the above statement will illustrate another truth: that wherever the mormons made any resistance to the mob, it was in self-defense; and for these acts of self-defense they always had the authority and sanction of the officers of the law for so doing. yet they, to the number of about fifteen thousand souls, have been driven from their homes in missouri. their property to the amount of two millions of dollars, has been taken from them or destroyed. some of them have been murdered, beaten, bruised or lamed, and have all been driven forth, wandering over the world without homes, without property.
but the loss of property does not comprise half their sufferings. they were human beings possessed of human feelings and human sympathies. their agony of soul was the bitterest drop in the cup of their sorrows.
for these wrongs the mormons ought to have some redress; yet how and where shall they seek and obtain it? your constitution guarantees to every citizen, even the humblest, the enjoyment of life, liberty and property. it promises to all, religious freedom, the right to all to worship god beneath their own vine and fig tree, according to the dictates of their conscience. it guarantees to all the citizens of the several states the right to become citizens of any one of the states, and to enjoy all the rights and immunities of the citizens of the state of his adoption. yet of all these rights have the mormons been deprived. they have, without a cause, without a trial been deprived of life, liberty, and property. they have been persecuted for their religious opinions. they have been driven from the state of missouri, at the point of the bayonet, and prevented from enjoying and exercising the rights of citizens of the state of missouri. it is the theory of our laws, that for the protection of every legal right, there is provided a legal remedy. what, then, we would respectfully ask, is the remedy of the mormons? shall they apply to the legislature of the state of missouri for redress? they have done so. they have petitioned, and these petitions have been treated with silence and contempt. shall they apply to the federal courts? they were, at the time of the injury, citizens of the state of missouri. shall they apply to the courts of the state of missouri? whom shall they sue? the order for their destruction, their extermination, was granted by the executive of the state of missouri. is not this a plea of justification for the loss of individuals, done in pursuance of that order? if not, before whom shall the mormons institute a trial? shall they summon a jury of the individuals who composed the mob? an appeal to them were in vain. they dare not go to missouri to institute a suit; their lives would be in danger.
for ourselves we see no redress, unless it is awarded by the congress of the united states. and here we make our appeal as american citizens, as christians, and as men—believing that the high sense of justice which exists in your honorable bodies, will not allow such oppression to be practiced upon any portion of the citizens of this vast republic with impunity, but that some measures which your wisdom may dictate, may be taken, so that the great body of people who have been thus abused, may have redress for the wrongs which they have suffered. and to your decision they look with confidence, hoping it may be such as shall tend to dry up the tear of the widow and orphan, and again place in situations of peace, those who have been driven from their homes, and had to wade through scenes of sorrow and distress.
and yet the appeal was vain, as far as any practical help was concerned. some members of congress showed a great deal of interest in the prophet, and the cause which he was pleading; but after the most earnest effort, the only result was to receive from martin van buren the famous, almost infamous, reply:
your cause is just, but i can do nothing for you.
and in the sense of this answer, if not in its words, the senate and house of representatives coincided. no arm of national power would be outstretched in behalf of the saints. as, early in the missouri trouble, governor dunklin—to whom the people appealed, had sent them back to their plunderers for redress and protection; so now the president and congress of the grandest republic under the sun, told them to apply to missouri to rectify the wrong. it was as if one who had been robbed and beaten on the public highway, should apply to a magistrate for help and should be sent back to ask the highwayman to restore his purse and pour balm on his wounds.
in one of his interviews with van buren the latter coolly told the prophet: "if i take up for you, i shall lose the votes of missouri."
this response shocked joseph in more than a personal sense. he was astounded that the flagrant outrages committed against his people aroused no purpose of redress; but more than this, he felt the insult offered to every american citizen when the chief executive of the nation placed his political aspirations above his sense of right. the prophet himself was a man whose whole life was unstained by any act of fear. he knew the right and dared all in its accomplishment. before such a man as he, towering in all his personal majesty and in the grandeur of the cause he represented, how even the president of the united states must have cringed when he confessed to the basest motives which can animate a public man! joseph could not, upon hearing these words, disguise the contempt which he felt for the occupant of that position to which every american citizen loves to pay honor. the disdain which flashed from his eyes must have made even martin van buren feel small; for it is the universal testimony of enemies and friends alike, that joseph smith's righteous scorn was terrible as the lightning flash.
it is a historic picture, this meeting of the two presidents. the subject of their interview was justice for an unpopular people, few in number and poor in earthly influence. the manner in which the negotiation was carried on, clearly shows the different natures of the two men.
van buren, a truckler to political influence and power, was on this occasion autocratic and insolent. your sycophant is always, when opportunity offers, a tyrant. van buren was no exception to this. the opportunity to display the insolence of office without jeopardizing his own interests was eagerly embraced. he doubtless had received his cue from the traitorous officials who had besmirched the escutcheon of the state of missouri with their foul crimes against the constitution, the laws and the principles of justice, or from those who represented them, and deported himself accordingly.
on the other hand, his visitor was but a private citizen in a political sense, and was the religious leader of a mere handful of refugees, exiled from home and all the comforts of this life, and now apparently as helpless in politics as they were weak in numbers and distressed in finances. and yet joseph stood as an equal, overcoming vain arrogance by natural dignity. before they finally parted the advantage was all with the humbler man; he crushed down the insolence of van buren by his personal kingliness and his declaration of the principles of truth and justice.
becoming satisfied that there was little use for him to further press the claims of the saints, joseph departed from the nation's capital and returned to nauvoo, reaching there on the 4th day of march, 1840. while in the east he had preached the gospel at every opportunity, in washington, philadelphia and other places, and had met with much success. and this was a partial compensation for the utter failure of his appeal.
after he returned home he wrote:
i arrived safely at nauvoo, after a wearisome journey, through alternate snow and mud, having witnessed many vexatious movements in government officers, whose sole object should be the peace and prosperity of the whole people; but i discovered this, that popular clamor and personal aggrandisement are the ruling principles of those in authority; and my heart faints within me when i see by the visions of the almighty, the end of this nation if she continues to disregard the cries and petitions of her virtuous citizens.
in the prophet's absence, hyrum had acted as the president at nauvoo. he had labored assiduously for the temporal as well as the spiritual advancement of the people, to sustain their bodily life and strength through the trying winter and their faith through all the assaults of the adversary. he had also published an account of the missouri persecutions, in the times and seasons, a semi-monthly paper begun at commerce in november, 1839, by don carlos smith and ebenezer robinson.
