as the english troops advanced, they were met on the outskirts of the settlement by the enemy, who contested bravely every garden and inclosure with them. the british force was, however, too strong to be resisted, and gradually the french were driven back, until they formed in rear of the battery. clive at once took possession of the houses surrounding it, and from them kept up, all day, a heavy fire upon the defenders; until, at nightfall, these fell back upon the fort, after spiking their guns. the loss of this position compelled the french to abandon the other outlying batteries, from which, during the night, they withdrew their guns into the fort.
the next four days clive spent in bringing up the guns landed from the fleet, and establishing batteries round the fort; and on the 19th he opened fire against it. on the same day the three men of war; the kent of sixty-four guns, the tiger of sixty, and the salisbury of fifty, anchored just below the channel, which the governor believed he had blocked up. the next four days were spent by the fleet in sounding, to discover whether the statements of the french deserter were correct.
during this time, a heavy cannonade was kept up unceasingly between clive and the fort. in this the garrison had the best of it, silenced some of the english guns, killed many of the assailants, and would certainly have beaten off the land attack, had the fleet not been able to interfere in the struggle.
all this time, the governor was hoping that aid would arrive from the nabob. the latter, indeed, did send a force under rajah dulab ram, but the governor of hoogly, bribed by omichund, sent messages to this officer urging him to halt, as chandranagore was about to surrender, and he would only incur the anger of the english, uselessly.
on the morning of the 23rd, having ascertained that a channel was free, the fleet advanced. the tiger, leading, made her way through the passage and, taking up a position abreast of the northeast bastion of the fort, opened a heavy fire upon it with her guns, and harassed the besieged with a musketry fire from her tops. the kent was on the point of anchoring opposite the watergate, when so heavy a fire was poured upon her that, in the confusion, the cable ran out; and the ship dropped down, till she anchored at a point exposed to a heavy crossfire from the southeast and southwest bastions. owing to this accident, the salisbury was forced to anchor a hundred and fifty yards below the fort.
the french fought with extreme bravery. vastly superior as were the english force and guns, the french fire was maintained with the greatest energy and spirit, the gunners being directed and animated by monsieur de vignes, captain of one of the ships which had been sunk. no advantage was gained by the tiger, in her struggle with the northeast bastion, and the guns of the southwest bastion galled the kent so severely that the admiral, neglecting the southeast bastion, was forced to turn the whole of his guns upon it.
de vignes concentrated his fire against one point in the kent, and presently succeeded in setting her on fire. the conflagration spread, a panic ensued, and some seventy or eighty men jumped into the boats alongside.
the officers, however, rallied the rest of the crew. the fire was extinguished, the men returned to their duty, and the cannonade was recommenced.
after the battle had raged for two hours, the fire of the fort began to slacken, as one after another of the guns was dismounted. monsieur renault saw that the place could be no longer defended. of his hundred and forty-six soldiers, over ninety had been killed and wounded. collecting the remainder, and their officers, with twenty sepoys, the governor ordered them to leave the fort immediately; making a detour to avoid the english, who were aiding the fleet by attacking the land side, and to march to kossimbazar to join monsieur law, who commanded there. then, there remaining in the fort only the clerks, women, and wounded, he hoisted a flag of truce.
terms were speedily arranged. the governor, and all the civilians and natives, were allowed to go where they chose, with their clothes and linen. the wounded french soldiers were to remain, as prisoners of war.
chandranagore cost the english two hundred and six men. the attack upon the french colony was blamed by many, at the time, for in the hour of english distress they had offered to remain neutral, instead of joining the nabob in crushing us. upon the other hand, there was force in the arguments with which admiral watson had defended his refusal to sign the treaty of neutrality. that treaty would not be binding, unless ratified by pondicherry; and to pondicherry it was known that the most powerful fleet and army france had ever sent to india was on its way. it was also known that bussy, at the court of the nizam of the deccan, was in communication with the nabob. thus, then, in a short time english interests in india might be menaced more formidably than ever before, and the crushing out of the french colony, almost at the gates of calcutta, was a measure of extreme importance. it was hard upon the gallant governor of chandranagore, but public opinion generally agreed that the urgency of the case justified the course adopted by the english authorities at calcutta.
suraja-u-dowlah was filled with fury, at the news of the capture of chandranagore; but hearing a rumour, two days later, that the afghans were upon their march to attack him, he wrote letters to clive and watson, congratulating them upon their success, and offering to them the territory of chandranagore, on the same terms upon which it had been held by the french.
but the young tyrant of moorshedabad was swayed by constantly fluctuating feeling. at one moment his fears were uppermost; the next, his anger and hate of the english. instead of recalling the army of rajah dulab ram, as he had promised, he ordered it to halt at plassey, a large village twenty-two miles south of moorshedabad.
the english were represented at his court by mr. watts, who had the greatest difficulty in maintaining his position, in the constantly changing moods of the nabob. one day the latter would threaten to order him to be led to instant execution, the next he would load him with presents.
besides mr. watts, the english affairs were conducted by omichund who, aided by the sets, or native bankers, whom suraja-u-dowlah had plundered and despoiled, got up a conspiracy among the nabob's most intimate followers.
the history of these intrigues is the most unpleasant feature in the life of clive. meer jaffier, the nabob's general, himself offered to mr. watts to turn traitor, if the succession to the kingdom was bestowed upon him. this was agreed to, upon his promise to pay, not only immense sums to the company, but enormous amounts to the principal persons on the english side. so enormous, indeed, were these demands, that even meer jaffier, anxious as he was to conclude the alliance, was aghast. the squadron was to have two million and a half rupees, and the same amount was to be paid for the army. presents amounting to six millions of rupees were to be distributed between clive, major kilpatrick, the governor, and the members of the council. clive's share of these enormous sums amounted to two million, eighty thousand rupees. in those days, a rupee was worth half a crown. never did an english officer make such a bargain for himself.
but even this is not the most dishonorable feature of the transaction. omichund had, for some time, been kept in the dark as to what was going forward; but, obtaining information through his agents, he questioned mr. watts concerning it. the latter then informed him of the whole state of affairs, and omichund, whose services to the english had been immense, naturally demanded a share of the plunder.
whether or not he threatened to divulge the plot to the nabob, unless his demands were satisfied, is doubtful. at any rate, it was considered prudent to pacify him, and he was accordingly told that he should receive the sum he named. clive, and the members of the council, however, although willing to gratify their own extortionate greed, at the expense of meer jaffier, determined to rob omichund of his share. in order to do this, two copies of the treaty with meer jaffier were drawn up, on different coloured papers. they were exactly alike, except that, in one, the amount to be given to omichund was entirely omitted. this was the real treaty. the other was intended to be destroyed, after being shown to a friend of omichund, in order to convince the latter that all was straight and honorable.
all the english authorities placed their signatures to the real treaty, but admiral watson indignantly refused to have anything to do with the fictitious one; or to be a party, in any way, to the deceit practised on omichund. in order to get out of the difficulty, clive himself forged admiral watson's signature to the fictitious treaty.
a more disgraceful transaction was never entered into, by a body of english gentlemen. that mr. drake and the members of his council, the pitiful cowards who fled from calcutta, and refused to allow the ships to draw off its brave garrison, should consent to such a transaction was but natural; but that clive, the gallant and dashing commander, should have stooped to it, is sad, indeed.
it may be said that, to the end of his life, clive defended his conduct in this transaction, under the excuse that omichund was a scoundrel. the indian was not, indeed, an estimable character. openly, he was the friend and confidant of the nabob while, all the time, he was engaged in bribing and corrupting his officers, and in plotting with his enemies. this, however, in no way alters the facts that he rendered inestimable service to the english; and that the men who deceived and cheated him were, to the full, as greedy and grasping as himself; without, in the case of the governor and his council, having rendered any service whatever to the cause.
at last, the negotiations were complete. more and more severely did clive press upon the nabob. having compelled him to expel law and the french, first from moorshedabad and then from his dominions, he pressed fresh demands upon him; until the unfortunate prince, driven to despair, and buoyed up with the hope that he should receive assistance from bussy, who had just expelled the english from their factory at vizapatam, ordered meer jaffier to advance, with fifteen thousand men, to reinforce rajah dulab ram at plassey.
clive, in fact, forced on hostilities. his presence, with that of a considerable portion of his army, was urgently required at madras. he was sure, however, that the instant he had gone, and the english force was greatly weakened, the nabob would again commence hostilities; and the belief was shared by all in india. he was, therefore, determined to force on the crisis, as soon as possible; in order that, the nabob being disposed of, he should be able to send reinforcements to madras.
while these negotiations had been going on, charlie marryat had remained in calcutta. he had been severely wounded in the attack on chandranagore, and was carried down to calcutta in a boat. on arriving there, he heard that the lizzie anderson had just cast anchor off the fort. he caused himself at once to be conveyed on board, and was received with the greatest heartiness and pleasure, by his old friend, the captain; and assiduously attended by the doctor of the ship. in order that he might have as much air as possible, the captain had a sort of tent, with a double covering, erected on deck. during the daytime the sides of this were lifted, so that the air could pass freely across the bed.
charlie's wound was a severe one and, had he been nursed in a hospital on shore, it is probable that it would have been fatal. thanks, however, to the comforts on board ship, the freshness and coolness of the situation, and the care of all surrounding him, he was, after some weeks' illness, pronounced convalescent; and was sufficiently recovered to join the force with which clive marched against plassey.
this force consisted of nine hundred and fifty european infantry, a hundred artillerymen, fifty sailors, and two thousand one hundred sepoys. the artillery consisted of eight six-pounders and two small howitzers. the army of the nabob was fifty thousand strong, and against such a force it was, indeed, an adventurous task for an army of three thousand men, of whom only one-third were europeans, to advance to the attack. everything depended, in fact, upon meer jaffier and his two colleagues in treachery, rajah dulab ram and yar lutf khan.
the nabob, on hearing of clive's advance, had sent to monsieur law; who was, with a hundred and fifty men, at a place over a hundred miles distant; to which he had, in accordance with the orders of clive, been obliged to retire; and begged him to advance to join him, with all speed. the nabob had with him forty or fifty frenchmen, commanded by monsieur saint frais, formerly one of the council of chandranagore. these had some field pieces of their own, and also directed the native artillery, of fifty-three guns; principally thirty-two, twenty-four, and eighteen pounders.
had clive been sure of the cooperation of meer jaffier and his confederates, who commanded three out of the four divisions of the nabob's army, he need not have hesitated. but he was, till the last moment, in ignorance whether to rely upon them. the nabob, having become suspicious of meer jaffier, had obtained from him an oath, sworn on the koran, of fidelity; and although the traitor continued his correspondence with clive, his letters were of a very dubious character, and clive was in total ignorance as to his real intentions. so doubtful, indeed, was he that, when only a few miles of ground and the river bhagirathi lay between him and the enemy, clive felt the position so serious that he called a council of war; and put to them the question whether they should attack the nabob, or fortify themselves at katwa, and hold that place until the rainy season, which had just set in with great violence, should abate.
all the officers above the rank of subalterns, twenty in number, were present. clive himself, contrary to custom, gave his vote first in favour of halting at katwa. major kilpatrick, who commanded the company's troops, major grant of the 37th, and ten other officers voted the same way. major eyre coote declared in favour of an immediate advance. he argued that the troops were in high spirits, and had hitherto been everywhere successful, and that a delay would allow monsieur law and his troops to arrive. he considered that, if they determined not to fight, they should fall back upon calcutta. charlie marryat supported him, as did five other officers, all belonging to the indian service.
the decision taken, the council separated, and clive strolled away to a grove, and sat down by himself. there he thought over, in his mind, the arguments which had been advanced by both sides. he saw the force of the arguments which had been adduced by major eyre coote and charlie marryat; and his own experience showed him that the daring course is always the most prudent one, in fighting asiatics. at last, he came to a conclusion. rising, he returned to the camp; and, meeting major coote on the way, informed him that he had changed his mind, and would fight the next day.
charlie returned to his tent after the council broke up, disheartened at the result. he was greeted by tim.
"shure, yer honor, hossein is in despair. the water has filled up the holes, where he makes his fires, and the rain has soaked the wood. yer dinner is not near cooked yet, and half the dishes are spoilt."
"it does not matter a bit, tim," charlie said. "you know i'm not particular about my eating, though hossein will always prepare a dinner fit for an alderman."
"we are going to fight them tomorrow, yer honor, i hope," tim said. "it's sick to death i am of wading about here in the wet, like a duck. it's as bare as the bogs of ould ireland, without the blessings of the pigs and potatoes, to say nothing of the colleens."
"no, tim, i'm afraid we're going to stop where we are, for a bit. the council of war have decided not to fight."
"shure and that's bad news," tim said. "the worst i've heard for many a day. what if there be fifty thousand of 'em, mister charles, haven't we bate 'em at long odds before, and can't we do it agin?"
"i think we could, tim," charlie replied; "but the odds of fifty-three heavy cannon, which the spies say they've got, to our ten popguns, is serious. however, i'm sorry we're not going to fight, and i'm afraid that you must make up your mind to the wet, and hossein his to giving me bad dinners for some weeks to come; that is to say, if the enemy don't turn us out of this."
a few minutes later, lieutenant peters entered the tent.
"is it true, charlie, that we are not going to fight, after all?"
"true enough," charlie said. "we are to wait till the rains are over."
"rains!" peters said, in disgust; "what have the rains got to do with it? if we had a six weeks' march before us, i could understand the wet weather being a hindrance. men are not water rats, and to march all day in these heavy downpours, and to lie all night in the mud, would soon tell upon our strength. but here we are, within a day's march of the enemy, and the men might as well get wet in the field as here. everyone longs to be at the enemy, and a halt will have a very bad effect.
"what have you got to drink, charlie?"
"i have some brandy and rum; nothing else," charlie said. "but what will be better than either for you is a cup of tea. hossein makes it as well as ever. i suppose you have dined?"
"yes, half an hour ago."
just as charlie finished his meal, major eyre coote put his head into the tent.
"marryat, the chief has changed his mind. we cross the river the first thing in the morning, and move at once upon plassey."
"hurrah!" charlie shouted; "clive is himself again. that is good news, indeed!"
"you will move your sepoys down to the river at daybreak, and will be the first to cross. there is no chance of any opposition, as the spies tell us that the nabob has not arrived yet at plassey."
several other officers afterwards dropped into the tent, for the news rapidly spread through the camp. there was, as had been the case at the council, considerable differences of opinion as to the prudence of the measure; but among the junior officers and men, the news that the enemy were to be attacked, at once, was received with hearty satisfaction.
"here, major," a fellow subaltern of peters' said, as he entered the tent, followed by a servant; "i have brought in half a dozen bottles of champagne. i started with a dozen from calcutta, and had intended to keep these to celebrate our victory. but as, in the first place, all heavy baggage is to be left here; and in the second, it has occurred to me that possibly i may not come back to help to drink it; we may as well turn it to the good purpose of drinking success to the expedition."
some of the bottles were opened, and a merry evening was spent; but the party broke up early, for they had a heavy day's work before them, on the morrow.
at daybreak, the troops were in movement towards the banks of the bhagirathi. they had brought boats with them from chandranagore, and the work of crossing the river continued, without intermission, until four in the afternoon, when the whole force was landed on the left bank. here clive received another letter from meer jaffier, informing him that the nabob had halted at mankarah, and intended to entrench himself there. he suggested that the english should undertake a circuitous march, and attack him in the rear; but as this march would have exposed clive to being cut off from his communications, and as he was still very doubtful of the good faith of the conspirators, he determined to march straight forward; and sent word to meer jaffier, to that effect.
from the point where clive had crossed the bhagirathi it was fifteen miles to plassey, following, as they did, the curves of the river. it was necessary to do this, as they had no carriage; and the men were obliged to tow their supplies in boats, against the stream.
orders were issued that, as soon as the troops were across, they should prepare to eat their dinners, as the march was to be resumed at once. the rain was coming down in a steady pour as the troops, drenched to the skin, started upon their march. the stream, swollen by the rains, was in full flood, and the work of towing the heavy-laden barges was wearisome in the extreme. all took a share in the toil. in many cases the river had overflowed its banks, and the troops had to struggle through the water, up to their waists, while they tugged and strained at the ropes.
charlie, as a mounted officer, rode at the head of his sepoys; who formed the advance of the force. three hundred men preceded the main body, who were towing the boats, to guard them from any sudden surprise. tim marched beside him, occasionally falling back, and taking a turn at the ropes.
"this is dog's work, mister charles," he said. "it's lucky that it's raining, for the river can't make us wetter than we are. my hands are fairly sore, with pulling at the ropes."
"ah, tim, you're not fond of ropes, you know. you remember that night at moorshedabad."
"faith, yer honor, and i'll not forget it, if i live to be as old as methuselah. well, yer honor, it will be hard on us if we do not thrash them niggers, tomorrow, after all the trouble we are taking to be at them."
at one o'clock in the morning, the weary troops reached the village of plassey. they marched through it, and halted and bivouacked in a large mango grove, a short distance beyond.
