return of the allies to mexico—founding of the city of santiago—the cakchiquels oppressed beyond endurance—they flee from the city—difficulty in again reducing them to subjection—reinforcements from mexico—campaign against mixco—capture of that stronghold—fight with the chignautecs—superhuman valor of a cavalryman—conquest of the zacatepec valley—expedition against the mames—defeat of can ilocab—entry into huehuetenango—siege of zakuléu—surrender of caibil balam.
pedro de alvarado with his army arrived at patinamit from his southern campaign some days previous to the 28th of july, 1524.[xxvii-1] the mexican allies were soon dismissed and returned to their homes, bearing despatches to cortés. the general was greatly pleased with the tidings from his lieutenant, and sent him two hundred more spanish soldiers, to aid in the colonization of those parts.
founding of the city of santiago.
almost immediately after their return to the capital of the cakchiquels the spaniards proceeded to appropriate the territory and make preparations for its government. a spanish city was founded at patinamit under the name of ciudad del se?or de santiago.[xxvii-2] 679
the ceremonies were conducted with great pomp. according to remesal, on the 25th of july, st james' day, the army was drawn up in battle-array to the sound of fife and drum. the morning was unusually fine, and the sun flashing its rays upon burnished armor added splendor to the scene. the cavalry were specially conspicuous for the brilliancy of their dress and ornaments. after repeated volleys by the arquebusiers mass was celebrated by juan godinez, the chaplain, and all joined devoutly in the service. with due ceremony the new town was dedicated to their patron santiago.
the municipal officers were then appointed by alvarado. the first alcaldes were diego de rojas and baltasar de mendoza. four regidores were nominated, whose names were pedro puertocarrero, hernan carrillo, juan perez dardon, and domingo 680 de zubiarreta,[xxvii-3] while gonzalo de alvarado was elected alguacil mayor.[xxvii-4]
the municipality having thus been formed,[xxvii-5] the spaniards for the next three days devoted themselves to festivities and rejoicing. on the 12th of august[xxvii-6] there was an enrolment of colonists, of whom a list of one hundred has been preserved.[xxvii-7] to the sacred patron was also built and dedicated a church, of which 681 juan godinez was left in charge, and one reynosa sacristan with a salary of sixty dollars a year. the surrounding lands were then distributed in encomiendas. in making these grants alvarado must have entertained some misgivings as to their validity and as to his future position and authority in the conquered provinces, for in a despatch to cortés he complains that according to reports meeting him on his return from the southern campaign the king had appointed a governor other than himself of the new territory, and upbraids cortés for not having duly reported his services to his majesty, at the same time begging him to do so.[xxvii-8]
outrage upon outrage.
that the cakchiquel nobles should regard with indignation this arbitrary disposal of their lands and vassals was but natural. they had already observed that friend and foe were much the same in the hands of the voracious spaniards, whose aggressive and outrageous action now convinced them that the friendly bearing of their king had gained for their nation no more, nay less, consideration than that vouchsafed the conquered quichés, who had fought manfully for independence. so it was, in truth, with regard to all the conquerors in america, though not so expressed in words: those who fought for their rights must die or suffer enslavement because they offered opposition to the spoilers; those who did not fight were contemptible things, unworthy a white man's consideration. believing in their promises, the cakchiquels had received the spaniards and had accepted their sovereign; but they were not prepared to go so far as to surrender themselves, their wives and little ones, their lands and their religion. death might be the result of revolt; judging from what they had seen it probably would be; nevertheless they would revolt and die. how high the high hand of the taskmasters had been raised we know not; but we know that within a few short months after alvarado's return and the 682 founding of his unstable city[xxvii-9] the cakchiquels rose to a man against the tyrants. the crowning grievance also is known. exaction after exaction had been made. the temples and palaces of patinamit had been forced to contribute their gold and silver ornaments until there was nothing left. then a large amount of gold[xxvii-10] was demanded of the king and nobles within a stated time, which it was out of their power to supply. in their efforts to obtain the so much desired yellow substance from auriferous streams they brought in glittering pyrites, mistaking them for gold.[xxvii-11] alvarado, furious with rage, summoned the king and his courtiers before him. "why," he passionately exclaimed, "have you not brought the gold and silver that i demanded of you? if i receive not soon all the gold and all the silver of your towns, you shall have the choice of being hanged or burned alive!" then with a brutality that caligula might have gloried in he tore with his own hand from the nostrils of sinacam and two princes at his side the golden ornaments they wore as badges of their high rank.[xxvii-12] this indignity cut the unhappy natives to the heart, and bending their disgraced heads, bitter tears mingled with the blood which fell at the feet of the christian. "it is my will," added alvarado, "that the gold and silver be here within five days. woe betide you if you bring it not!" and with a coarseness that equalled his heartlessness he dismissed them from his presence. 683
abandonment of the city.
nobles, priesthood, and people were already of one mind. the priests in particular, seeing the desecration of their temples and the threatened suppression of their religion, put forth all their efforts to rouse the cakchiquels from the vile thraldom. and while the nobles and people proceeded as best they were able to collect treasures to meet the last demand from the neighboring towns, the priesthood succeeded in completing plans and preparations for revolt. they spread the report that their deity, offended at the sacrilegious actions of the spaniards, had appeared to his ministers, announcing the speedy destruction of the strangers. a priest of chamalcan now presented himself before sinacam and his court. "i am the lightning!" he cried, with subdued vehemence, "and i will strike the castilians. with fire will i destroy them! when i shall cause the sound of the sacred drum to be heard in the city, let the king leave it and withdraw to the other side of the river, for on the seventh day, ahmak, will i strike the spaniards!" these bold and confident words had their effect. in their deep affliction the cakchiquels believed their god would help them, else of what value were gods? and they secretly made all ready for the time the signal should be given. the spaniards do not seem to have had any suspicion of the intentions of the cakchiquels. on the very evening of the uprising alvarado, pacified with the gold that had been brought him, entertained sinacam and a large number of princes and nobles at a banquet, a splendid banquet, whereat the guests feasted on their own of which they had been despoiled. that night, while the spaniards were asleep, heavy after their revelry, the signal drum was sounded. the whole population, men, women, and children, arose and silently withdrew with their king and nobles from the city. it is not the only time in the world's history that a people have abandoned home and fled from persecution, trusting in religious faith. now may the god in whom they 684 trust help them, for all other hope they have left behind! crossing the ravine they turned and awaited the expected miracle; all through the remainder of the night they watched for the lightning and the fire, straining their eyes afar, to the remotest corners of the heavens, to catch the first faint gleam of that sacred flame which should bring them deliverance. but alas! there was no light save that of the morning sun, which came to dispel all hope. god and priest alike had deceived them; or rather they themselves were deceived, had not understood aright, or were not worthy of aid, or their desire would come in some other way—so their teacher might have said. now it remained only for them to perish, for they would return, never![xxvii-13]
alvarado well knew the meaning of this action when he heard of it. and as he walked through the city, the empty houses and deserted streets told him plainly enough that his atrocious system of oppression had driven to despair a nation that had welcomed him with all kindness and hospitality. the immediate cause and incentive to revolt, the action of the priest, being explained to him, he hoped when the cakchiquels had discovered how vain was the hope in their god that they would return to their homes again, and for ten days he remained inactive. but all attempts at reconciliation were repelled; they would rather die at war with the christians than live at peace with them. ah well! then they must be slain; and as a religious and patriotic duty alvarado took the field against them. it was a long and bloody war that followed. if the quichés and zutugils had confederated with the cakchiquels, it is safe to surmise the spaniards would have been 685 repelled. with a scarcity of provisions,[xxvii-14] and a reduced number of mexican auxiliaries, hemmed in and harassed, it is hardly possible that they could have fought their way out of the country. but the rejection by sinacam of the earlier proposals of the quichés, and his alliance with the invaders, still rankled in their breasts, and they now cared little which of their detested foes ate the other. as it was, the war proved not the one-sided affair of late so common. the cakchiquels displayed a skill and bravery in battle such as the spaniards had not experienced in these parts. in front of their lines they dug deep holes in which they planted pointed stakes, and concealing them with coverings of grass and light earth, received behind them the charging cavalry. many a spaniard and many a horse found death or frightful wounds, impaled in these pitfalls.[xxvii-15]
hatred of the cakchiquels.
on the battle-field the natives displayed a desperate courage. with their deep hatred they would if possible envenom their arrows and darts, and as they hurled them on the foe they shouted, "take gold, tonatiuh, take gold!" thus the contest was carried on with great animosity on both sides, and the cakchiquels, now more united among themselves, and joined by many neighboring tribes, long maintained the struggle. though their own land suffered from the ravages of the spaniards, they had their revenge in devastating the territories of the quichés and zutugils; for these nations had been so weakened in their contests with the spaniards that they could no longer meet the cakchiquels in the field. and, indeed, under this widely extended process of devastation the spaniards began to suffer hunger. alvarado was obliged to 686 abandon his new city at patinamit during the latter part of this year, 1524, and to make his head-quarters for a time at xepau,[xxvii-16] round which the country was less desolate.
the spaniards were indeed sorely pressed, and many christians were killed and wounded. but about the beginning of 1525 he received reinforcements from mexico which enabled him to proceed rapidly with the reduction of the revolted provinces. returning to patinamit, he subjected the several districts one after another to fire and sword, till the land was one wide scene of desolation.
campaign against mixco.
it was during, or immediately after, the suppression of this revolt that the spaniards accomplished perhaps their greatest achievement during the whole guatemalan conquest. this was the storming of the city of mixco, deemed impregnable.[xxvii-17] mixco was one of the most important strongholds in the cakchiquel kingdom, being so fortified by nature as to require little from art. situated on an eminence surrounded on all sides by precipices, it was accessible only by a steep path, wide enough for but a single person, and interrupted here and there by places which could only 687 with difficulty be climbed.[xxvii-18] on the top of this eminence was a great plain, capable of supporting a population of eight or nine thousand.
learning that the mixcans had determined to resist spanish rule, and were encouraging other tribes to fortify themselves in similar impregnable positions, alvarado regarded the reduction of the place as an absolute necessity. he therefore sent an advance force of two companies of foot-soldiers and one of cavalry, under the command of his brother gonzalo, to invest mixco until he should be able to assume command in person. the captains commanding under gonzalo, alonso de ojeda, luis de vivar, and hernando de chaves, were men of high courage and experience; yet they not only accomplished nothing, but suffered so much from the stones and arrows of the enemy,[xxvii-19] provisions likewise beginning to fail, that gonzalo was about to raise the siege when the lieutenant-general arrived with reinforcements.[xxvii-20] although fully recognizing the difficulty and danger of the undertaking there were two incentives which urged alvarado forward to its achievement: he loved what was difficult and dangerous, and he well knew that there could be no permanent subjugation of the country with this stronghold in the hands of the enemy. a council of war was held and the capture of mixco resolved on. the first attempt was unsuccessful, as were indeed the second and third, until days and weeks went by without any seeming progress. then the spaniards tried stratagem, and while feigning an assault by means of scaling-ladders at a place where the precipice was lower 688 than elsewhere, they suddenly made a rush up the pathway, which they hoped to find undefended. the mixcans were prepared, however, and received the spaniards with such heavy discharges of missiles that they were forced to retire in confusion. while the officers were in consultation shortly after, a strong body of native warriors was reported near at hand, which proved to be chignautecs, allies of the mixcans.[xxvii-21] their intentions were evident, and soon the two armies were engaged in hot contest. notwithstanding that great havoc was made by the arquebuses and cross-bows, and still more by the cavalry, the chignautecs maintained the fight with such stubbornness that after the loss of a large number of tlascaltecs and the wounding of many spaniards a retrograde movement was decided on.
fight with the chignautecs.
upon an occasion like the present, where the object to be gained, the taking of a stronghold, partook more of the nature of single combat than of general battle, here and elsewhere upon a campaign of this kind, it was not uncommon to see feats of individual prowess cropping out on both sides. it was the field of glory to the soldier, limited usually to the field, as the world was the general's field of glory. i will mention one such exhibition in connection with this fight against the chignautecs. in the hazardous retreat one of the cavalrymen, garcía de aguilar, is in the extreme rear, subject to the fiercest assaults of the pursuing warriors. in truth, his body is interposed between the two contending armies. obviously, if the enemy cannot put him out of the way they are unable to harm the others; every effort is therefore made to maim his horse, or otherwise to capture him; and he is at length cut off from his comrades and quickly surrounded by over four hundred of the dusky foe, each eager to inflict the coup de grace. but aguilar is by no means vanquished yet. though presently unseated, 689 he maintains for some time a desperate struggle, striking with deadly effect upon the enemy. then he loses his sword, and nothing remains to him but a dagger. it is not in this instance the bravery of the man that astonishes so much as his extraordinary muscular power. the horse, by kicking and plunging, prevents capture, while aguilar, circumscribed by threatening death, exhibits almost superhuman strength. no blow dealt to kill or stun, no attempt to seize him, can stop the quick stroke of that strong right arm as it drives the keen steel straight into the assailants' vitals. with wounds and ever increasing exertion, however, he grows weaker; but capture signifies immolation. to be gazed at, helpless on a heathen altar, an offering to odious gods—the thought is horrible—and the fatal dagger is still, by swift movements, driven to the hilt. and now the battle cry of santiago to the rescue! rings in his ears and tells of succor; he hears a leaden sound, as of crushed bone and flesh, and the whistle of descending blades, and knows that help is at hand. six horsemen have plunged into the unequal contest, and they scatter the swarthy foe like sheep. they gather round their countryman, support his exhausted frame, and carry him wounded and faint to a place of safety. the courage, strength, and skill of this single man, and the valor displayed in his rescue, so impressed the chignautecs that they retired disheartened, regarding their efforts of no avail against such beings,[xxvii-22] and they returned to their homes.
the siege had now lasted a month. on the third day after the retrograde movement, which resulted in 690 victory, the spaniards determined to make another attempt upon the place, and were on the point of assault when an ambassador arrived from the chignautecs tendering their submission, and bringing the customary presents of gold, green plumes, and costly mantles. it was, however, stipulated on their part that this act of allegiance should be kept secret until the fall of mixco; at the same time the envoy intimated that their caciques would communicate privately to alvarado a secret that would be of service to him. alvarado received this message favorably, and sent back the emissary with every mark of consideration, expressing his willingness to hear what the chiefs had to say.
the distance from mixco to chignauta was nine leagues; and in three days, during which alvarado had refrained from active operations, the principal caciques arrived at his camp. they were attended by a large retinue and a number of natives bearing presents of great aboriginal value and a large quantity of provisions. the disclosure made by the caciques was to the effect that there existed a subterranean passage from the stronghold, having an outlet in the woods near the river bank. by this the mixcans could escape, they said, even if the spaniards succeeded in storming the height. the outlet they were willing to disclose, as they owed no allegiance to the mixcans, who had incited them to take up arms against the spaniards. they moreover suggested that an ambuscade should be placed near the mouth.[xxvii-23]
the fall of mixco.
a force of forty men, cross-bowmen and cavalry, commanded by alonso lopez de loarca, was accordingly 691 despatched to the exit of the passage,[xxvii-24] and thereupon alvarado determined once more to attempt to storm the place. the front man of the storming line bore a shield, and behind him followed a cross-bowman; then succeeded another shield-bearer, supported by an arquebusier. this alternate order afforded protection and at the same time admitted of assault.[xxvii-25] the file thus formed was led by bernardino de arteaga, who had asked for the dangerous post as a favor, and succeeded in covering his name with honor. calling on god and santiago, they began the ascent of the narrow ridge, which widened as it joined the cliff. while moving as rapidly as possible, so that the showering stones and arrows might have less effect, they nevertheless plied cross-bow and arquebuse with deadly effect. they had almost reached a wider place in the ridge, where four men might walk abreast, when the gallant arteaga was felled with a heavy stone, breaking his leg, but with indomitable will he struggled on, supported by his comrade diego lopez de villanueva.[xxvii-26] despite the terrible resistance they reached the broader space near the cliff, which was packed with defenders so eager for a blow at the assailants that many were crowded off the precipice by those behind. but the stormers were by this time enabled to fall partially into line and ply their blades. a hand-to-hand contest followed, and the ground soon became thickly strewn with the bodies of slain mixcans, among which were heaps of lopped-off heads and limbs. more spaniards and auxiliaries came rapidly forward to aid in the slaughter as ground could be cleared for them to stand on. the 692 natives fought with desperation, but height after height was lost to them, until their victorious foe gained at last the plain above. there the spaniards found fresh forces to oppose them. but the mixcans were by this time overawed by the extraordinary achievement of the spaniards; and as they marked these merciless white foemen, the first who had ever planted foot within the precincts of their famed and formidable stronghold, as they saw them moving onward and upward, invincible as fate, it is no wonder that their hearts sank with despair. their opposition was wholly spiritless; they broke and fled at the first charge. what followed was frightful, surpassing even the terrible scenes to which these man-killers on both sides were accustomed. to escape the fierce onslaught of the spaniards some of the mixcans plunged headlong down the cliffs, the dull thud of their bodies, as they struck upon the rocks, sounding ghostly echoes in the ravine below. some attempted escape by the now deserted path by which the assailants had come, but these were captured by the camp guard. some fled by the subterranean caverns, but were pursued and many taken prisoners before they reached the outlet, while those who had previously withdrawn thither with the women and children, under the care of several caciques, on emerging at the outlet were assailed by loarca, and most of them captured.[xxvii-27]
thus terminated this remarkable exploit of the conquerors. the city was burned, the stronghold destroyed, and the population removed to the site of the present town of the same name, situated in the valle de las vacas.[xxvii-28]
the zacatepec war.
it was not long after the fall of mixco that the 693 conquest of the zacatepec valley was accomplished. the towns of this district were subject to the king of the cakchiquels, but many of them, especially zacatepec, had thrown off their allegiance and declared themselves independent, indignant at sinacam's alliance with the spaniards.[xxvii-29] they had, moreover, repeatedly shown their hostility to those towns which had submitted to spanish rule, by making incursions into their lands, and carrying off their women and children to the sacrifice.[xxvii-30]
after the suppression of the revolt and the re-establishment of spanish power in the patinamit district,[xxvii-31] the caciques of xinaco and zumpango remonstrated with the zacatepecs, saying that they were now under the protection of the children of the sun, and should appeal to them if the depredations on their lands did not cease. the unfortunate men who carried this message were summarily sacrificed on the altar stone, all save one, whose life was spared that he might carry back the reply of the zacatepecs: "let the children of the sun bring to life again the dead envoys. as for ourselves, we will not submit to an unknown people, but will destroy all the villages of the caciques before their allies can render assistance." nor were they slow to carry out their threat.
a large force invaded the territory of xinaco and zumpango, and began to slay and lay waste. the natives sent to guatemala to implore assistance. alvarado was at this time absent on his second campaign 694 to salvador,[xxvii-32] carrying out his former intention to return and bring the stubborn natives to a recognition of spaniards' rights. nevertheless, one thousand cakchiquels and ten arquebusiers, under the command of antonio de salazar, a most competent captain, were at once despatched to the scene of action, while alvarado was advised of what had occurred. hostilities had already begun before these troops arrived. for three days the zacatepecs maintained the conflict with great bravery, though with considerable loss. but now the spaniards received a reinforcement of ten arquebusiers, twenty horsemen, and two hundred tlascaltecs and mexicans, commanded by pedro gonzalez nájera. the contest thereafter was not so evenly balanced, and the zacatepecs sustained several defeats. on the fifth day, however, they adopted the plan of attacking in columns one thousand strong, successively relieving each other, so that fresh men continually kept up the battle, each column when relieved retiring to the rear.[xxvii-33] these tactics enabled them to maintain the fight during the whole of that day, and they inflicted no little loss on the spanish forces. early in the morning the spaniards took the field, apparently in disorder and much reduced in numbers. encouraged by the success of their new man?uvres, the zacatepecs attacked with contemptuous confidence. the spaniards gave way and retreated 695 toward a thickly wooded ravine. the zacatepecs now felt sure of victory, and in their impetuous pursuit allowed themselves to be drawn into the defile, where a large body of their enemies were lying in ambush. suddenly assailed on both sides, their disorderly ranks were routed with great slaughter. numbers were also taken prisoners, among whom were many caciques. this battle terminated the war. the whole zacatepec valley submitted to the authority of the spaniards; and in order to insure future obedience a garrison of ten spaniards and one hundred and forty tlascaltecs was stationed at zacatepec, under the command of diego de alvarado, the caciques being detained as hostages.[xxvii-34]
conquest of the mames.
about the middle of the year 1525 sequechul, king of utatlan, represented to alvarado that his father oxib quieh had not been so guilty as he had supposed of the treacherous plot to destroy the spaniards the year previous, but that caibil balam,[xxvii-35] king of the mames,[xxvii-36] was more to blame, as the instigator of the attempt. at the same time he offered to provide the invading forces with guides if alvarado would undertake the conquest of that kingdom and punish caibil balam. whether sequechul's object was revenge for his father's cruel death or favor with alvarado is of little consequence; the mention he made of the broad lands and great wealth of the province fell pleasantly on the lieutenant-general's ear, and he willingly acceded to the king's proposal.
the expedition was placed under the command of gonzalo de alvarado, and consisted of eighty spanish 696 infantry, the captains being antonio de salazar and francisco de arévalo, together with forty cavalrymen and two thousand native auxiliaries, drawn from various districts, whose commanders were jorge de acu?a, pedro de aragon, bernardino de oviedo, and juan de verastigui. these forces were, moreover, accompanied by three hundred pioneers, with axes and picks, while a large number of indian carriers bore with them an ample supply of provisions besides the baggage. early in july the army marched to totonicapan, a town on the confines of the mame territory, which was made the base of operations. the usual difficulties of such undertakings here began. it took the invaders no less than eight days to cross the mountain range between that place and the rio hondo. the season rendered their labors the greater, for the rain, day after day, poured down in torrents. up steep ascents, down dangerous gullies, they toiled, now winding in single file along the edge of a precipice, now plunging over soft treacherous ground up to the knee in mud. on reaching the hondo[xxvii-37] they bivouacked for two days in the dripping sunless woods on the bank of the river, which, swollen by the ceaseless rains, for a time defied their passage. at length they succeeded in crossing, and presently emerged from the forests upon an open plain, and descried on an eminence the mame town of mazatenango. it was a well fortified place, surrounded by a barricade of heavy timber, behind which, on a terre-plein of mud and straw, a great multitude of warriors were drawn up. a wide stretch of swampy ground, not differing in appearance from the rest of the plain, debarred approach to this side of the town. as the invading army drew near, the mames with hisses and shouts of defiance challenged attack, in the hope of inducing them to charge into the swamp. gonzalo de alvarado 697 was, however, timely advised of the danger by his guides, and making a detour he assaulted the barricade on the other side, where the ground was firm. the assailants were received with a blinding storm of missiles, which for a long time kept them in check. their repeated efforts to burst through the defences were baffled, and the auxiliaries were becoming discouraged, when gomez de loarca with the cavalry plunged through the palisade. the besiegers, pouring in through the breach, could now fight after their own fashion; and though the mames offered a brave resistance, they were routed with great slaughter, and their town taken possession of by the conquerors, who placed in it a sufficient garrison as a protection in their rear.
prince can ilocab.
continuing their march, they encounter at no great distance from mazatenango an army of five thousand warriors from malacatan, whereupon gonzalo takes up a favorable position on the plain.[xxvii-38] the vanguard of the enemy is composed of slingers and archers, and the main body of spearmen, commanded by the renowned prince can ilocab. in perfect order, and with deafening sound of drums and conchs, they approach the spanish army. as soon as the vanguard has reached a suitable point gonzalo charges upon them with the cavalry. the arrows strike thick as hail on the mailed breasts of the horsemen, drawing fire therefrom; but the chargers dash through the ranks of the archers, who with stubborn courage disdain to fly, while to avoid the fatal lance thrusts they throw themselves under the horses, only to be crushed and mangled by the iron-shod hoofs. and now the main body of the mames come up, and the spanish cavalry have more difficult work. the charge against those solid columns bristling with long spears is only partially successful. the shock is sustained by the mames with a firmness the spaniards are little accustomed to. the discomfited vanguard has time to rally, and again the swift stone bruises, and arrows hiss 698 and shiver on helmet and coat of mail. all the forces on both sides are now in action, and the slaughter of the mames is dreadful, yet not one inch will they yield. rushing to close quarters, within their opponents' breastwork of sword-points, and gliding along their lances, they so hamper the spaniards that they can hardly wield their arms. bruised and stunned, embarrassed in their movements, the blows of the spaniards fall more feebly, and they already begin to relax their efforts when salazar, one of the captains of infantry, seeing the imminent danger, strives to rouse his men with spirit-stirring words. "where is your valor, castilians?" he cries. "does that courage sink which won the blood-stained fields of mexico and utatlan? there you achieved renown; lose it not here, nor suffer yourselves to be carried off to die on the altars of these idolaters!" the appeal has its effect. with renewed efforts the infantry mow their way through and through the mame columns, causing frightful carnage, but the warriors recede not one foot in flight. for still waves in air their prince's banner; his plume nods high above them all, and his voice still cheers them on. as long as he remains they will fight, knowing no defeat. the spanish captain is not blind to this, for under the great cortés he has learned that in their leader lies the strength of the warriors, and he recognizes only too clearly that can ilocab's death is their one chance of victory. for some time the execution of gonzalo's purpose has been delayed, but at length by the surging ranks he is thrown near to the magic banner, and then with desperate charge he urges his steed through the resisting guard up to the mame chieftain, and plunges the lance through his body. this ends the battle, and the mames, unconquered by sword and lance, on the fall of their prince flee from the field and are pursued as far as their town. the chiefs of the place at once send an embassy to sue for peace, bringing with them a present of gold ornaments, and offering 699 allegiance, which is accepted. leaving a garrison in the town, the spaniards continue their march in the direction of huehuetenango.[xxvii-39]
zakuléu invested.
this was an important city of the mames, where gonzalo de alvarado expected warm work, judging from the late formidable resistance. on arrival, however, he found the place abandoned, and such of the houses as had not been destroyed stripped of furniture and utensils, without a handful of provisions. cavalry troops were sent out in different directions, and one under the command of gaspar aleman fell in with three hundred indian archers, who without hesitation attacked the horsemen, among others wounding aleman in the face. but they were soon routed, and in the pursuit three prisoners were taken, one of whom was a chief named sahquiab, a captain in caibil balam's army. when brought into the presence of gonzalo de alvarado, he informed him that his sovereign had retired to the almost impregnable city of zakuléu,[xxvii-40] where, provided with provisions and stores, he deemed himself secure. the captive was thereupon sent by gonzalo to caibil balam with offers of peace and a charitable proposal to teach him the doctrines of the christian religion. but sahquiab did not return, nor came any answer to gonzalo. a second embassy, composed of indians from utatlan, was rudely refused audience with a shower of arrows. this exhausted the patience of gonzalo and he marched on zakuléu. as soon as his approach was observed by the mames an army six thousand strong sallied forth to give him battle. the engagement which followed was maintained by the mames with the same stubborn 700 valor exhibited in previous fights, and marked by similar carnage. a reserve of two thousand, which sallied during the battle from zakuléu to the support of their countrymen, made an ineffectual attempt to turn the tide of victory, only adding to the victims; and routed in all directions the mames fled to their stronghold in the mountains.[xxvii-41]
preparing to storm zakuléu.
owing to the impossibility of storming so impregnable a place as zakuléu, gonzalo closely invested it by stationing troops at the few points where egress seemed possible. on the third day of the siege diego lopez de villanueva, while reconnoitring with a body of cavalry, observed smoke issuing from the woods on the other side of the river.[xxvii-42] having crossed with much difficulty, he fell in with three hundred indians in charge of a large supply of provisions, which they intended to introduce into the beleaguered city, and which villanueva promptly appropriated.
the inactive warfare soon wore out the patience of the spaniards, and gonzalo began to cut a road suitable for cavalry up the most practicable part of the steep. day by day, from morning to night, the sound of the pick was heard, and the work continued uninterrupted with but little loss to the besiegers, though the heights were thronged with mames, who used every effort to impede its progress. the cross-bow and arquebuse were far more deadly than the sling and arm-drawn bow, and the mames suffered heavily.
in the midst of these operations an army of eight thousand mountaineers appeared on the plain, presenting a most unusual spectacle—naked, and hideous with war-paint, unrelieved by plume or ornament of any kind, only by the glitter of their weapons. the spanish captain immediately made preparation for 701 battle. leaving a sufficient number to protect the work and guard the camp,[xxvii-43] he advanced against them with the remainder of his forces, and was soon engaged in a desperate struggle. three several times the ranks of the mountaineers were broken, and as often did they rally and attack with ever increasing fury. only the steel and cotton armor of the spanish forces saved them from destruction. as it was, lance and sword, bullet and bolt, reaped the usual harvest, and on the plain, saturated with blood and bespotted with mangled bodies, the spaniards at last stood triumphant.[xxvii-44]
thenceforth the siege continued uninterrupted. the work of cutting the road dragged slowly on, and by the middle of october both besiegers and besieged were undergoing intense suffering. within the city famine was daily gathering its victims; every eatable substance, to the leather of their shields, had been consumed, and the survivors were feeding on the bodies of the dead. scarcity of provisions, too, was felt in the spanish camp. but this was not the worst. the weather was unusually severe; icy hailstorms and keen frosts caused much suffering to the invaders, unaccustomed to the cold of that altitude. fever and ague also attacked them. from the rain and hail that fell the plain had become a swamp, and day by day gonzalo saw the number of his haggard troops' grow smaller. a more speedy method of reducing the place must be adopted or the attempt abandoned. accordingly he sent off his sick to huehuetenango, and stopping work on the road, prepared to make the desperate attempt to storm the place with scaling ladders.[xxvii-45] he had already constructed a number of these ladders, huge in size and 702 wide enough to allow three men to ascend abreast, and was on the point of making the attack when there appeared an envoy from caibil balam suing for peace. this unfortunate ruler had previously attempted to escape by night with his family and an escort of the principal chiefs; but having fallen in with a patrolling party, he was wounded in the arm with a cross-bow bolt and compelled to return. and now he had taken counsel with his chiefs on the subject of surrender. he had represented to them that all hope of relief was gone, while his famished subjects were dying around him. submission alone could save the few survivors. the chiefs had eagerly approved his words, and the tender of submission was made. gonzalo's satisfaction at this unexpected termination of the siege was indeed great. a spot midway between the gate of zakuléu and the quarters of the cavalry was appointed as the place of meeting for the settlement of terms, and gonzalo, accompanied by loarca, salazar, arévalo, and twelve others, there met the humbled caibil balam. the spaniard's reception of the native ruler was friendly in the extreme, and with an embrace, gonzalo assured him of his love and friendship. under such kindly treatment, so little expected, the stoical self-command of the weakened warrior gave way, and he wept as he returned the victor's greeting.
the country pacified.
the spaniards then took formal possession of the city in the name of the king of spain.[xxvii-46] they destroyed the fortification at the entrance,[xxvii-47] and made more practicable the road across the ravine. the surrounding country was afterward explored and the towns subjected to spanish rule. in huehuetenango gonzalo de alvarado stationed a strong garrison, with gonzalo de solis as captain, and having taken all the necessary measures for the permanent tranquillity of 703 his newly conquered territory, he returned to guatemala city toward the end of the year.
henceforth conquest, oppression, and destruction marched hand-in-hand over the country, and the result was a national and social eclipse of the fallen races. their arts and sciences were soon forgotten; their architectural skill was lost; and from a state of happy development their life as a nation was blotted out. to what extent the progress of the world would have been benefited or retarded, had the aboriginal inhabitants of the american table-lands survived as integral nations, it is impossible to say; but we may question how much the occupation of the country by the spaniards contributed toward general advancement. it is thought by some that the great indian nations had reached the limit of their present line of progress when the spaniards arrived. in guatemala the individual kings had by long lines of succession arrived at that stage of monarchy when power begets luxury and decay. without european interference there might have been a relapse and a dark age; and a later view, had discovery been delayed to our own time for instance, might have found mexico and central america overrun by savage hordes from the north and ruined cities scattered over the land. to this fancy i am not prepared wholly to subscribe.
