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CHAPTER XIX. CORTéS IN HONDURAS. 1525-1526.

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he is master of all the miseries there—miasma and deep distress—exertions of cortés in behalf of the colonists—a vessel appears with provisions—cortés sends out foragers—he seeks a better locality—sandoval at naco—others settle at caballos—cortés at trujillo—vessels sent to mexico, cuba, and jamaica—troubles in mexico—cortés irresolute—starts for mexico—is driven back by a storm—pacification of adjacent pueblos—cortés sends presents to córdoba—shall cortés make himself master of nicaragua?—arrival of altamirano—return of cortés to mexico.

cicero says that a man's best adviser is himself. a wise man can find no better counsellor than his own cool, impartial judgment. cortés was a wise man, and he could calmly judge. had he counselled with himself before setting out on this adventure? he had led into honduras, amidst great sufferings, an army. the end of his perilous march brought to him no great achievement, no great reward. there was no olid to punish; casas was not a traitor. might not the proud conqueror with more advantage have remained at home? the assurance of a ready welcome, instead of a campaign against a formidable rebel, was a relief to the way-worn soldiers; but what thought the commander of it? it is not satisfying to a sane man's pride to beat the air, or charge on a windmill. a traitor to crush, or a fair city to conquer, would have been refreshing pastime to cortés at this juncture.

desperate situation of the colonists.

in advance of the army, and almost alone, he set 567 out for nito. if he entered not as a conqueror with sword in hand, he had at least the satisfaction of being welcomed as a savior. malaria was there, and had so reduced the settlement that the frown of the natives loomed over it like erinnyan phantoms. there were but three score spaniards with a few women,[xix-1] the greater number so reduced by fever and other ailments as hardly to be able to move, and all suffering from poor and insufficient food—zapotes, vegetables, and fish. without sufficient arms and without horses, they did not venture abroad to forage, and seeing that death would surely overtake all if they remained, the able-bodied men under the leadership of diego nieto were repairing a vessel in which to depart.[xix-2] the disappearance of the four men captured by sandoval created no small alarm. were they after all to be overwhelmed by avenging natives? amidst such troubles no wonder that the appearance of cortés was greeted as a descent from heaven, and that even men wept as they thronged round to kiss his hand.

the army was not a little surprised at the destitution of the famed honduras. while ministering consolation, cortés sent out bands of foragers. one of the parties ascended the rio yasa,[xix-3] and coming to a deserted hamlet, six leagues from the mouth, took refuge from the rain. but it was not long before a band of indians set upon them, and badly wounded they were driven to the boats, glad to escape with life. another party found a path leading to a well-provided pueblo called lequela, but it was eighteen leagues away, and too far for carriers. a third division met with better success.[xix-4] 568

meanwhile a vessel appeared in the harbor, having on board thirty spaniards, beside the crew, and laden with a dozen horses, over seventy hogs, and provisions. it seemed a miracle. and the whole equipment cortés bought for four thousand pesos.[xix-5] welcome as this was to the starving settlement, the sudden change in diet cost the lives of several persons. the site of nito being so unhealthy and ill-provided, it was resolved to abandon the place, and sandoval was sent with the greater number of soldiers, settlers, and indians, to the fertile valley of naco, olid's abandoned headquarters, twenty leagues off, on the road to which several well-supplied pueblos offered good halting-places.

with the newly arrived vessel, a repaired caravel and a brigantine, built from some wrecks, cortés prepared to take the remainder of the party by sea to a better locality. but first he would ascend the wide outlet lately crossed for food, for in this direction some captives assured him he would find rich settlements.[xix-6] exploration also impelled him to this quarter, for it was reported that when gil gonzalez first arrived here he had detached a vessel for the examination of this entrance; which had traversed two fresh-water gulfs; but the ascent of a tributary beyond had been prevented by strong currents and warlike natives.[xix-7]

capture of pueblos.

manning the new brigantine with forty chosen spaniards and a number of indians, and attended by boats, cortés ascended the rio dulce, and speedily entered a sheet of water some twelve leagues in circumference, without settlements. continuing south-west, he went through a long passage into another larger sheet of water lying amidst lofty ranges and most bewitching 569 scenery. inspired by the wild grandeur around him, he already fancied himself the laurel-crowned discoverer of the long-sought strait. but the dream was brief, for the water proved to be a gulf, some thirty leagues in circumference, and called apolochic in the vernacular. leaving the vessel at its western end, near the mouth of a stream, he proceeded with most of the men, under a local guide, over a rough route intersected by innumerable creeks. after a march of twelve leagues, during which only one village of any importance was seen, he came to a pueblo in which loud singing with instrumental accompaniment indicated a festival. waiting till a late hour, when all was quiet, he fell upon the sleeping natives, and but for the excited exclamation of a soldier the place would have been taken without a blow. as it was, the cacique had time to rally, and in the melée which followed he with several others lost his life. forty captives were here secured. cortés was now guided to a larger pueblo, called chacujal, eight leagues further, and again resorted to a night attack, but did not gain the place without considerable resistance. by morning the indians had fled. the buildings, particularly the temples, resembled very much those of mexico, but the language differed as well from the mexican as from that of the pueblos hitherto met with. among the captives was an indian from the pacific slope, who reported that only three-score leagues intervened between nito and his country, where alvarado was conquering.

the place was abundantly provided with cotton goods, maize, the much-needed salt, and other articles, and since it lay near the polochic river, which entered the gulf twenty leagues from where the vessel lay, messengers were sent to bring it as far up the stream as possible to receive supplies. meanwhile four rafts were made, and loaded each with forty fanegas of maize, besides beans, cocoa, and other provisions. these operations occupied nearly three weeks, during 570 which time none of the natives could be induced to return and aid in the work.[xix-8] cortés now embarked with ten men on the rafts, sending the rest down by land. the current carried them rapidly past the winding banks, with their alternate forest and prairie land, relieved here and there by hamlets and plantations, half hidden amidst cocoa groves and fruit-trees. nothing unusual occurred till night, when cortés, who occupied the last raft, was startled by cries of alarm from the one before him, followed by indian yells. it was too dark to distinguish anything, but the men prepared for what might come. the next moment the raft struck violently against a projecting rock, and a shower of arrows fell. several warriors now attempted to board, but they either miscalculated the distance, or were pushed overboard by the crew. the indians had foreseen the opportunity which the rock would afford for an attack, but the rafts escaped them, although most of the spaniards were wounded, including the general, and half a cargo was damaged. so rapid was the current that the twenty leagues were made by morning. more supplies were obtained from other settlements, and on returning to nito after an absence of five weeks, sufficient food was brought to fairly supply the fleet.

the whole colony, including gonzalez' men, now embarked in the three vessels and proceeded to san andrés bay, or caballos, where a number of sandoval's soldiers had just arrived. the site seemed to be all that could be desired, "with the best port on the entire coast from the pearl islands to florida," with fine indications of gold in the tributary rivers, and with a beautiful and well-settled neighborhood. a colony 571 was accordingly founded there under the name of natividad de nuestra se?ora, from the day of founding, and fifty settlers were left, chiefly gonzalez' men and late arrivals from spain, diego de godoy being appointed commander, with the necessary officials. a church was also built and placed in charge of a clergyman. soon, however, the unhealthiness of the site became apparent, and half the settlers died. the indians grew insolent and refused supplies, and threatened the destruction of the settlement. cortés thereupon permitted the colonists to join the prosperous establishment at naco. here the indians had been gradually reassured and conciliated by sandoval, whose armed incursions had already reduced a number of pueblos of considerable size and wealth.[xix-9]

at trujillo.

cortés had meanwhile sailed to trujillo, where the delighted colonists rushed into the water to carry the renowned chief ashore. his first and characteristic act was to enter the church and give thanks for safe arrival.[xix-10] then came the exercise of clemency for which he was humbly besought by the late adherents of olid. matters had been going smoothly since ruano was exiled, and the general was too prudent to stir up animosity. with some slight reconstruction, therefore, the orders and arrangements of casas were confirmed. an impulse was given to the town, and with the enforced aid of native laborers lots were cleared and buildings erected.

the four vessels now in port were not allowed to lie idle. one was despatched to mexico with the invalids, and with letters for the officials, wherein cortés commended their zeal for the government, and promised soon to return. juan de ávalos, his cousin, was placed in command, and ordered to pick up at cozumel island the party of spaniards left there 572 by valenzuela. this was done, but on approaching cuba the vessel was wrecked at cape san antonio, with the loss of the captain, two friars, and over thirty others. of the rest only fifteen survived to reach guaniguanico.[xix-11] of the other vessels, the new brigantine was sent to espa?ola to report to the oidores concerning the overland expedition and the state of affairs in honduras, and to represent that the kidnapping raid by moreno was creating trouble among the natives. the authorities ordered the captives to be returned.[xix-12] the two remaining vessels were despatched to cuba and jamaica with the plate and jewels of cortés to purchase provisions, live stock, and plants wherewith to improve the colony.

one of these ships, in touching at cuba, found there a vessel from santo domingo, destined by the oidores for mexico to gain positive information about the rumored death of cortés, and to report on measures against the disorders that might follow. learning that the conqueror was alive and in honduras, the messenger of the oidores resolved at once to change the route to honduras, where his cargo of horses and stores would also find a readier market.

bad news from mexico.

licenciado zuazo, the most honorable and trusted of the administrators appointed by cortés over mexico, had been arrested by his colleagues for opposing their nefarious plans, and sent out of the way to cuba. these men had not only seized on the administrative power for their own advancement, to the neglect of public welfare, but, believing the mighty conqueror and his companions in arms to be dead, they had laid hands on their estates, and were persecuting their 573 friends and whosoever ventured to protest. the country was in a most critical condition. anarchy and spoliation were the order of the day. the colonists were arrayed in opposition to each other, and the indians found every encouragement for rising against their white oppressors and blotting them out of existence.

all this was reported by zuazo in a letter to cortés, with the most earnest pleading for his immediate return, ere it was too late.[xix-13] cortés was at first furious; then he melted into tears at the thought of the desolation wrought by his enemies and at the inhuman persecution of his followers. "it serves me right," he said, in a calmer moment, "to be thus treated for placing trust in strangers and ignoring tried comrades."[xix-14] the news reached him at an unfavorable time. the iron will and nerve which had carried the leader through the hardships of the march, had begun to yield to the insidious influence of the fever-infected bottom-lands of the amatique bay, assisted perhaps by disappointment at finding the first aspect of honduras so far below his hopes. the letter served to rouse his bodily as well as mental energies, though not to that point of clear and prompt determination which had hitherto characterized his acts. he was irresolute. honduras had been little explored, and the indication of gold near caballos, though small, led him still to dwell on the stories of richer districts to the south. he feared to abandon 574 a yet promising field, after the efforts lavished on it, and in view of the eager advance of his southern rival, him of panamá.

the fortunate predictions of a soldier-astrologer in mexico would not have made him disinclined, in his present frame of mind, to encourage similar counsellors; but no sabean was at hand to interpret the scintillating oracles. the friars were directed to appeal to the supreme throne, and for three days services were held, with processions, and masses, and prayers for divine direction. already during the progress of these appeals, cortés felt a dawning inspiration in a renewed courage to face the treacherous sea, and stronger inclination to trust the development of the province to another. he would return to mexico. hernando saavedra, his cousin, was appointed captain-general of honduras,[xix-15] and sandoval was directed to proceed with his company from naco to mexico, by the guatemala route already opened by casas. he himself embarked on the government vessel, but at the moment of departure the wind failed, and hearing of a tumult among the colonists he landed to restore order. the unruly spirits appear to have been disappointed office-seekers, to whom the obscurity of official existence in a border province seemed a most ungracious return for their long toil. the general calmed the leading rioters by taking them on board to receive their reward in mexico. two days later he set sail, only to meet another check in the breakage of the main lateen yard just outside the harbor. after three days spent in repairs he again departed, with a good wind, but this soon increased to a gale, and fifty leagues from port the mast went overboard and obliged him to return for a third time.

tired of the sea.

surely, this was a warning from providence not to proceed. he must have misunderstood the inspiration, and would seek more correct advice. upon one 575 thing he was determined, not again to trust himself to the billows. the last tossings had cured him of nautical aspirations, and threatened indeed to cure him of all others, for his already weakened body was left in so racked a condition as to bring him near to death. bernal diaz describes him as a mere shadow of his former self, and states that a franciscan robe had been prepared to shroud his body, and by its saving virtues to assist the soul through purgatory.[xix-16] but, although the conqueror of mexico had filled the measure of his great achievements, the cup of honors and of disappointments was not yet full. masses had again been said to sanctify as inspiration his changing resolve. the vessel proceeded, however, bearing a trusted servant[xix-17] with letters for a number of friends in mexico, and with orders revoking the power granted to the usurping governors in favor of more reliable men. a number of mexican chiefs accompanied the messenger to testify that cortés still lived. they were to proceed to pánuco after landing the servant in some obscure haven above vera cruz, whence he was to proceed alone and in disguise to mexico, so as to elude any watching enemies. sandoval was recalled, greatly to the disappointment of his party, who rose almost in open mutiny at being kept away from their estates in mexico, which were by this time exposed to ruin in hands of strangers and usurpers.[xix-18]

an additional excuse for the determination to remain may have been found in the hostile attitude 576 of two provinces, papayeca and chapagua, some seven leagues from trujillo.[xix-19] some time before this saavedra had been sent to explore the valley above, and following it for some thirty leagues found a fertile district with a series of flourishing pueblos. a score of caciques appeared to offer their allegiance to cortés, and into trujillo flowed provisions and presents. the above-named provinces alone held aloof, pleading not without reason former maltreatment and the kidnapping of tribal members by fiscal moreno. no excuses could, however, be regarded as valid in refusing allegiance, and saavedra marched against them. the people retired to the hills; but three of the chapagua caciques being captured and peremptorily given a fixed term in which to repeople their towns, the submission of this province was speedily effected. papayeca was now entered, and pizacura, one of the two principal caciques, was captured. he threw the blame of resistance on his more powerful colleague, mazatl, offering if released to secure and hang him, and thus bring the people over. once free, the cacique cast the promise to the winds as readily as any spaniard. mazatl was captured, nevertheless, and given the alternative of repeopling the towns or dying. the chief disdainfully rejected an offer to purchase life with what he regarded as the enslavement of his people, and calmly accepted death.

this severity was thought to be prudent, and it certainly had the effect of bringing the inhabitants back to all the pueblos save the capital. here pizacura held forth, supposing, no doubt, that since his escapade no pardon was to be expected. he was soon captured, however, together with over a hundred followers. the latter were enslaved for their obstinacy, while he, with two other caciques, and a youth who 577 appears to have been the true chief of the province, were kept as prisoners.[xix-20]

pacification of the country.

this success, as well as the comparatively kind treatment of the natives, tended greatly to promote the pacification of the country, and the name of cortés became feared and respected far and wide.[xix-21] one instance of this was the arrival of a deputation from the gulf islands, appealing to his power and clemency for protection against a slaving party which was raiding guanaja. cortés at once despatched a caravel which brought in the vessel with its slaves, destined for the mines of cuba and jamaica. the commander, rodrigo de merlo, exhibited a license for his expedition, so that severe measures could not well be taken, but means were found to persuade the captain to settle at trujillo with his crew. the kidnapped islanders were restored to their grateful friends. they sent in their allegiance and received letters of protection, together with a number of swine which soon multiplied on the islands.[xix-22]

another instance of the influence of cortés' name was afforded by the entry, from nicaragua into olancho[xix-23] province, of an expedition under gabriel de rojas, consisting of sixty men with twenty horses. the natives resisted, no doubt, whereupon rojas began to enslave and pillage. a deputation arriving at trujillo to implore protection, sandoval was instructed to interfere on behalf of the natives, as subjects of cortés.[xix-24] his force was insufficient, it 578 seems, to drive out the intruders, but rojas nevertheless retired by order of córdoba.[xix-25]

one reason for this withdrawal was that córdoba could not afford to place himself in hostile attitude to any neighbor. one of the acts of moreno during his arbitrary proceeding in honduras had been to urge upon him to transfer his allegiance and province to the audiencia. this prompting found a willing ear. blind to the accumulative evidence of failure, and untaught by disappointment, córdoba allowed the few instances of successful revolt to overshadow every failure. he looked upon the force around him, and measuring the distance between himself and the grim pedrarias, his dread grew fainter as the leagues increased; meanwhile hope kept whispering, might he not also become another cortés, borne aloft by fame, or at least a velazquez safe upon his usurped island? he wavered, and yielded. in maturing his plans for a step so full of risk, he resolved to learn further from moreno what authority he possessed, and perfect arrangements with him. pedro de garro[xix-26] was accordingly sent with a party of forty men to honduras, bearing also petitions to the emperor and audiencia, and with instructions to explore the best route to a port in that province through which supplies and war material might be procured. sandoval, on hearing of their approach, captured them, together with their retinue of beautiful women and numerous servants, but allowed a few under escort to proceed to trujillo. cortés received them with good-will, and as a proof thereof ordered four pack animals to be sent laden with horseshoes, mining tools, and other 579 articles, as a present to córdoba. but he could not countenance the overthrowal of a chief by a subordinate officer; for had not his present expedition been made to punish a similar attempt? he wrote him accordingly, advising fidelity to pedrarias, and promising his aid in procuring supplies through honduras, since panamá, was regarded as too distant.[xix-27]

temptation.

this intercourse had served to enlighten cortés in regard to the condition and resources of the country to the south and south-west. he had learned that it was fertile and populous, filled with flourishing towns, and giving great promise of mineral wealth; facts confirmed by the splendid retinue of garro and the demand for mining implements. perhaps in this very country lay the rich provinces which had stirred his imagination, even before the fall of mexico, and for which he had come in search this long way. should he allow an interloper to deprive him of what his fancy had claimed all these years, and what had enticed him to superhuman efforts? but a valid excuse was needed for seizing a province already held by another, a king's lieutenant like himself. cortés was too astute, however, not to find a way to prevent so rich a prize from eluding him. was it out of friendship for a stranger that he had sent valuable presents to córdoba, and offered to forward supplies through honduras? no, he knew where to sow in order to reap. he had also written, as he admits, to some officers in nicaragua whom he knew, and what subtle poison may not have been diffused by craftily worded advice. córdoba understood the hint for himself, and was confirmed in his resolve. but his fellow-soldiers had also a word to say. the idea of risking life and fortune for the ambitious plans of a captain who was little, 580 if anything, more than themselves, was by no means to the liking of all the officers. several objected, and since it was now too late to retreat córdoba must even persuade them by arms. civil war threatened, and the news was not long in reaching trujillo. indeed, it seems that the rebel leader, on finding what a tempest he had invoked, sent to tender allegiance to cortés.[xix-28] and then the latter reasoned with himself. could he, an imperial officer, stand calmly by and see his majesty's interests sacrificed and his subjects, his countrymen, slaughtered? no, certainly not; and he congratulated himself upon the success of his plans. here was the longed-for pretence, cast in his way by fortune. he must pounce upon the prize while the claimants were absorbed in contention.[xix-29] the first step was to direct a large force of natives to open a road to nicaragua, and sandoval received orders to prepare for the expedition.[xix-30]

again it seemed as if the great leader had misinterpreted the signs of providence.

assumes greater pomp.

his messenger to mexico had safely arrived, and with prudent management a reaction had been started in favor of cortés; the evidence that he was alive was half the battle; but his enemies, though checked, were not overthrown, and believing that everything depended upon his presence it was decided to recall him. the commission was intrusted to his cousin, fray diego altamirano, an ex-soldier who had doffed the helmet for a franciscan cowl, and a man of honor and business talent.[xix-31] he fell like a bomb-shell on the manifold projects of cortés for conquest and 581 aggrandizement, which, if encouraged by one success, might have borne the victor triumphantly southward, perhaps to the realms of the incas. altamirano was not a man to let the stern present be obscured by the glowing fancies of enthusiasm. his visions turned alone toward mexico, and his coloring was reserved for painting the sad condition of its affairs. this he did, boldly, yet with loving discreetness, and convinced his kinsman that return to mexico was absolutely necessary to save himself, his friends, and the country from ruin. he also insisted that in order to succeed in controlling followers he must assert his dignity, and impose on the vulgar by an intimidating and awe-inspiring pomp. the familiarity grown out of the fellowship of the camp and the toil of the march might answer in a border province, but not in the well-settled districts of new spain, or at the court of mexico. more dignity should be assumed at once; here and now must he teach his followers the distance between the governor and the subject, and demand reverence as his due. there was not much need for exhortation in this respect, for pomp came naturally to cortés. readily, therefore, did he mount the gubernatorial seat with its imposing dais, and receive with a complacent smile the se?oría[xix-32] from the lips of the deeply bowing suite. in church, even, he occupied the higher level of the raised sitial,[xix-33] while abroad the cannon belched forth in his honor.[xix-34]

his distrust of the sea remained, and he determined to return through guatemala. the laborers, therefore, were taken from the nicaragua road to prepare the way for him;[xix-35] but finally the pilots convinced 582 him that at this season of the year the winds and currents were favorable, while the land route must be long and full of obstacles. he accordingly embarked in three vessels with twenty spanish followers and their horses, and some two hundred indians under prince ixtlilxochitl, setting sail april 25, 1526.[xix-36] sandoval joined him, but his company went overland. saavedra remained as his lieutenant, with instructions to maintain native loyalty by good treatment, and to promote settlement. the general's yet wavering confidence in the sea received another shock off the very coast of new spain, whence a gale drove him back and compelled him to seek refuge in cuba. on the 16th of may he again set sail, and landed a week later near the present vera cruz. the news of his arrival spread rapidly, and soldiers, colonists, and natives hastened forward in throngs to bear the beloved leader, the mighty malinche, in triumph to the island city which he had won and refounded. doubts were dissipated and past disappointments forgotten as he gazed once more on the scenes of his brilliant achievements, and drank the plaudits of the multitude.

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