1506-1510.

tierra firme thrown open to colonization—rival applications—alonso de ojeda appointed governor of nueva andalucía, and diego de nicuesa of castilla del oro—hostile attitudes of the rivals at santo domingo—ojeda embarks for cartagena—builds the fortress of san sebastian—failure and death—nicuesa sails for veragua—parts company with his fleet—his vessel is wrecked—passes veragua—confined with his starving crew on an island—succor—failure at veragua—attempts settlement at nombre de dios—loss of ship sent to espa?ola for relief—horrible sufferings—bibliographical notices of las casas, oviedo, peter martyr, gomara, and herrera—character of the early chroniclers for veracity.

the voyages of bastidas and columbus completed the discovery of a continuous coast line from the gulf of paria to cape honduras. in 1506 juan diaz de solis, a native of lebrija, and vicente ya?ez pinzon took up the line of discovery at the island of guanaja, where the admiral had first touched, and proceeding in the opposite direction sailed along the coast of honduras to the westward, surveyed the gulf of honduras and discovered amatique bay, but passed by without perceiving the golfo dulce which lies hidden from the sea. the object still was to find the much-desired passage by water to the westward. continuing northerly along yucatan, and finding the coast trending east rather than west, they abandoned the undertaking and returned to spain. meanwhile juan ponce de leon was enriching himself by the pacification 290 of puerto rico, preparatory to invading the mainland to the northward in search of the fountain of youth; in which sapient attempt he lost his money, and not long afterward his life, unfortunately never finding the liquid immortality that bubbled somewhere in the jungles of florida.

and now ten years had elapsed since cabot and columbus first saw the western continent, the former in 1497, the latter in 1498, and although several attempts had been made, as yet there was no european settlement on any part of it. it was not that the thirst for western spoils was by any means assuaged; but ferdinand was busy, and the experiences of ojeda and columbus on the mainland were not encouraging to the most chivalrous cupidity. returned, however, from his neapolitan wars in 1507, his disaffected nobles somewhat quieted, and the disputes attending isabella's succession allayed, the king began to look about him. by the queen's testament he inherited one half the revenues of the castilian colonies. and the king wanted money. it is a royal weakness. then he remembered what columbus had reported of the rich coast of veragua; and although the licenses hitherto granted for private voyages had not proved very lucrative, and expenditures at santo domingo were too near receipts to be satisfactory, no better way seemed feasible than to throw open to colonization the mainland, or tierra firme, as the discovered portion of the continent now began to be called.[vi-1] 291 further than this, ferdinand was well aware that if he would retain his western possessions he must occupy them; for stimulated by the success of portugal and 292 spain, france, england, holland, and sweden had all awakened to oceanic enterprise. he had before this commissioned ojeda to watch the inroads of the english at the north, and directed pinzon to have an eye on the portuguese and the pope's partition line at the south; now he was resolved to break the territory into kingdoms and provinces, and apportion them for government to such of his subjects as were able and willing to colonize at their own cost.

ojeda and nicuesa.

when the intention of the king was known, two dashing cavaliers appeared and asked for the government of the rich coast of the tierra firme. one was diego de nicuesa, a native of baeza, well-born and an accomplished courtier, having been reared by enrique enriquez, chief steward and uncle of the king. he came to the indies first with ovando. the other was alonso de ojeda, then in santo domingo, and already famous in new world annals, making his first appearance there with columbus in his second voyage, and having already achieved two notable voyages to paria, or the pearl coast, one in 1499 with juan de la cosa and amerigo vespucci, and one in 1502, with garcía de ocampo and juan de vergara. the last had been made in four ships, and for the purpose of colonizing; instead of which disputes arose, and the fiery commander was seized and carried in shackles to espa?ola. there he was tried, 293 and a decision rendered against him, which however was overruled on appeal to the council of the indies; but he came out of his difficulties stripped of all his possessions.

the candidates were much alike, each being a fair type of the spanish cavalier. both were small in stature, though none the less men of prowess. symmetrical in form, muscular, active, and skilful in the use of weapons, they delighted in tilting matches, feats of horsemanship, and in all those pastimes which characterized spanish chivalry at the close of the mahometan wars. the school in which ojeda had studied experience, as page to the duke of medina celi, who appeared in the moorish wars at the head of a brilliant retinue, was in no wise inferior to that of his rival. their accomplishments were varied, though not specially in the direction of colonizing new countries. not only was nicuesa a fine musician, playing well the guitar, and having some knowledge of ballad literature, but he could make his horse prance in perfect time to a musical instrument. as for ojeda, there was little, in his own opinion, he could not do. the more of recklessness and folly in the exploit the better he could perform it. once at seville, while isabella was in the cathedral tower, out from which ran a beam, at a height so great that from it men on the ground looked like pygmies, to show the queen of what metal he was made, he mounted this beam, balanced himself, then tripped lightly as a rope-dancer to the end of it, wheeled, and lifting one foot poised himself on the other at this fearfully dizzy height, where almost a breath would dash him to destruction; then, returning, he stopped at the wall and placing one foot against it threw an orange to the top of the tower.

with such distinguished ability on either side, it was difficult to determine between them. who so suitable to baffle miasma, poisonous reptiles, and wild beasts while dressing the institutions of spain 294 for the wilderness of america, as the graceful and witty nicuesa! what a glorious missionary ojeda would make! so moderate, so wise, so gentle, so just, both! nicuesa had money, a necessary commodity to him who would colonize at his own cost. but then ojeda had influence; for fonseca was his friend, and an inquisitor his cousin. yet nicuesa was not without advocates at court; money alone was a powerful argument. when, finally, the veteran pilot, juan de la cosa, threw his experience and earnings upon the side of ojeda, to whom he was devotedly attached, and offered himself to embark in the adventure, the king concluded to let them both go; and then it was that he divided tierra firme between them, making the gulf of urabá[vi-2] the dividing point. the eastern or south american portion was called nueva andalucía, and of this alonso de ojeda was appointed governor; the western division, extending from the gulf of urabá, or darien, to cape gracias á dios, was named by the king castilla del oro,[vi-3] or golden castile, and the command given to 295 diego de nicuesa. the island of jamaica, whence they expected to draw their supplies, was to be held in common by the two governors. were it not so much more delightful to bargain with new suitors who have money, than to reward old servants who have none, a fine sense of decency might have prompted the monarch to give castilla del oro to the adelantado, bartolomé colon, who had assisted in discovering, and in an attempt to colonize the country, and who had little to show for his many and valuable services to spain. but diego colon was determined they should not have jamaica, and so sent thither juan de esquivel, as we have seen, to hold it for the governor of santo domingo.

mainland divisions.

the mainland governors were each appointed for four years, during which time supplies were free from duties. their outfit, with four hundred settlers and two hundred miners each, might be obtained from santo domingo. they were given the exclusive right to work for ten years all mines discovered by them on paying into the royal treasury for the first year one tenth of the proceeds, the second year one 296 ninth, the third one eighth, the fourth one seventh, the fifth one sixth, and for the remaining five years one fifth. the king conditioned, moreover, that each governor should build two forts for the protection of the colonists, to whom the lands in the vicinity of which were to belong.

it so happened that the doughty little governors met at santo domingo, while making their final preparations. swelling with new dignities, active and mettlesome, each desirous of obtaining as many recruits as possible, it was not long before they came into collision. first they quarrelled about jamaica; as a supplement to which ojeda stoutly swore that should he there encounter juan de esquivel, his head should pay the penalty. then their partition line became a bone of contention, both claiming the indian province of darien.[vi-4] the geography of the coast was at that time but little known; their dominions toward the south were limitless, and for aught they knew larger than spain. although both the commanders were small corporally, in feeling they were large, and required much room. the breach thus opened was in no wise lessened by the superior success of nicuesa, who with a deeper purse, and a government famous for its wealth, drew off recruits from his less fortunate rival. five large caravels and two brigantines, flying the flag of castilla del oro, rode in the harbor. all were well equipped and liberally provisioned; and already nicuesa mustered nearly eight hundred men and six horses, while ojeda at his best could muster but three hundred men in two small ships and two brigantines.[vi-5]

297the rival governors.

nettled at every turn he made about the little town, ojeda, who was a better swordsman than logician, at length proposed to settle all scores by single combat. "agreed," replied nicuesa, who was equally brave yet less passionate, "but for what shall we fight? match me with five thousand castellanos, and i am your man." finally old juan de la cosa interfered to prevent bloodshed; the river darien, or atrato, was made the dividing line, and measures were taken to hasten departure before the fire of hot ojeda should blaze out again.

but ojeda was not without his little triumphs. there dwelt at this time at the capital of the indies a lawyer, known as the bachiller[vi-6] martin fernandez de enciso, who during a successful practice of many years had accumulated some two thousand castellanos. tempted by the offer of being made alcalde mayor[vi-7] 298 of the new government, he was induced by the impetuous ojeda to embark his entire fortune in the adventure. it was arranged that the bachiller should remain at santo domingo for some time after the departure of ojeda, in order to obtain further recruits and fit out another ship, and then follow the governor to nueva andalucía.

of ojeda's party was francisco pizarro; and flitting restlessly from one heterogeneous group to another, enviously watching preparations in which circumstances prevented their participating, were other dominant spirits waiting opportunity, notably vasco nu?ez de balboa, tied by debt to distasteful agriculture, and hernan cortés, fortunately forbidden to embark by illness.

ojeda was the first to sail, embarking november 10, 1509. nicuesa would have weighed anchor at the same time, but was prevented by his creditors; for his success in securing followers was attended by so copious a drain of purse that not only his money but his credit was gone.

favorable winds wafted ojeda quickly to cartagena, where he landed and proclaimed in loud and vaunting tones his manifesto.[vi-8] a shower of poisoned darts was the reply; a mark of disrespect from his new subjects which set the governor's blood boiling. breathing a short prayer to the virgin, ojeda seized a lance, and charging the natives at the head of his followers scattered them in the forest, and rashly pursued 299 them. these were no effeminate islanders; the women fought side by side with the men, who were equal to those of veragua, with the additional advantage of envenomed arrow-points, which, with the occasional shelter their forests afforded, made them more than a match for the spaniards.[vi-9] this ojeda had all to learn, and to pay dearly for the knowledge. of seventy of his best and bravest who followed him four leagues inland but one returned. even his staunch and veteran friend, juan de la cosa, after vainly attempting to dissuade his self-willed colleague from his purpose, placed himself by his side and died there. ojeda fought like a tiger until his men were scattered and killed, and he was left wounded and alone in a marshy thicket, where several days after a fresh party from the ships found him half-dead. when warmed into life and returned to the harbor he saw entering it nicuesa's fleet he hid himself, afraid to meet his rival in that plight. told of this by ojeda's men, as supplemental to their dismal tale, nicuesa's anger was aroused at the unjust suspicion. "tell your commander," he exclaimed, "that diego de nicuesa is a christian cavalier who makes no war on a prostrate foe; that not only shall past feuds be buried, but he promises never to leave this spot until the deaths of juan de la cosa and his comrades are avenged." he was as good as his word. landing four hundred men, he surprised an indian village, put men, women, and children to the sword, and secured large booty.

nueva andalucía.

after nicuesa had departed on his way, ojeda cast off from that ill-fated shore his ships, and brought them to the gulf of urabá, where on its eastern side, near the entrance, he built a fortress, the beginning of his capital city, and called it san sebastian[vi-10] 300 in honor of the arrow-martyred saint, whose protection he craved from the venomous darts of his subjects. from san sebastian, ojeda despatched to santo domingo one of his vessels with the gold and captives he had taken, at the same time urging enciso to hasten his departure, and send supplies. meanwhile ojeda's temper, which was as sharp and fiery as damascus steel, made little head-way against tangled marshes and poisoned arrows. persisting in his high-handed policy, he could do nothing with the natives, food being as difficult to obtain as gold, and his ranks rapidly thinned.

while harassed by hunger and watching anxiously the coming of enciso and the return of their ships, the colonists descried one day a strange sail. on reaching san sebastian it proved to be a genoese vessel which, while loading with bacon and cassava bread at cape tiburon, had been piratically seized by one bernardo de talavera and a gang of vagabonds from santo domingo, who escaped with their prize and had come to nueva andalucía to seek fortune under the wise and happy rule of governor ojeda. to buy the cargo was the work of a moment, for the pirates were very ready to sell; and, indeed, had they not been, the governor would have compelled them. the poison was in his blood, which was now hot with fever, and he was in no mood for ceremony. but the relief thus obtained was only 301 temporary. day by day the food supply diminished. the colonists were reduced in number from three hundred to three score. and with bodily ailment came as usual mind-distempers, wranglings, ruin, and despair. where now was the valiant ojeda? humiliated to the dust, as well before the savages as before the spaniards.

death of ojeda.

yet he would not yield to fate without another effort, wasted and weak as he was. giving pijano command of the fortress, ojeda took passage in the freebooter's ship and sailed for santo domingo. but his patroness, the virgin, had indeed deserted him. shipwreck met him at cuba, whence he crossed to jamaica. talavera and his gang, after the most extraordinary exertions, likewise reached jamaica, but only to be seized by order of diego colon and hanged. ojeda said nothing to esquivel about striking off his head, but humbly took the kindly extended aid. proceeding to espa?ola in a caravel he found enciso gone, and himself a bankrupt invalid. pride, which seldom deserts a spanish cavalier, gave way. reduced to penury, broken-hearted, he died, begging as proof of his humility to be buried under the monastery portal, that all who entered should tread upon his grave. farewell, daring, dashing, irrational ojeda!

let us now look after nicuesa. when from the discomfited ojeda the gallant governor of castilla del oro last parted, he coasted westward toward veragua, where he purposed to plant his colony. the better to survey the seaboard, he took a small caravel, and ordered lope de olano, his lieutenant, to attend him with two brigantines, while the larger vessels kept farther from the shore. thus they proceeded until reaching the indian province of cueba, where a port was discovered into which flowed a small stream called pito. there they landed and said mass,[vi-11] and therefore named the place misas. 302

leaving there the largest ships in charge of a relative named cueto, who was to receive word when to follow, nicuesa pressed forward toward veragua with a caravel carrying sixty men, lope de olano still attending in a brigantine with thirty men. a storm arising not long after, the latter took advantage of this and the darkness of the night to separate from him, impelled partly by a conviction that they were on the wrong course, partly by ambitious projects. after waiting two days in vain for his companion nicuesa continued westward. in the search for veragua he attempted to follow a chart drawn by bartolomé colon, though his pilots diego de ribero and diego martin, both of whom had been with columbus, assured him that he had passed the place. the storm increasing, nicuesa ran his vessel into the mouth of a large river; but when attempting to proceed after the storm he found himself caught in a trap, and his vessel on the bar amidst the breakers, the water having subsided. unable to move the ship in either direction, its destruction was inevitable, and the men set about saving themselves. a rope was stretched to the shore at the cost of a life; and scarcely had the last person reached land when the vessel went to pieces.

castilla del oro.

behold, then, the courtly nicuesa, so lately the proud commander of a fleet, by this sudden freak of fortune cast upon an inhospitable shore, his whereabouts unknown to himself or to those in the ships, and his almost naked followers destitute of food, save one barrel of flour and a cask of oil flung them by the surly breakers! his mind was moreover ill at ease concerning olano, whose reputation was none of the best, and who nicuesa thought might have joined him had he been disposed. the ship's boat fortunately drifted ashore, and in it nicuesa placed diego de ribero and three seamen, ordering them to keep him company along the shore, and render assistance in crossing streams and inlets. already faint with 303 hunger, they began their march. but whither? still westward, but not toward veragua. each weary footstep carried them farther and farther from their destination. it was not a pleasant journey feeling their way through tropical forests, with such impediments as tangled jungles, hot malarious mudbeds, craggy hills and treacherous streams to block their way. some of the party had no shoes, some no hat; sharp stones cut their feet, thorny brambles tore their flesh, and their half-clad bodies were exposed alternately to burning sun and drenching rain. they were soon glad to get shell-fish and roots to eat with their leaves. one day an arrow from an overhanging height struck dead nicuesa's page, but fortunately the savages retired without pressing their advantage. nicuesa's dog, seeing murder in his hungry master's eye, took to his heels and was never afterward seen. yet greater misfortunes awaited the spaniards. after crossing an inlet in the boat one evening, they rested for the night, and in attempting to resume their march next morning found themselves upon an island. calling for ribero, he was missing. nor was the boat anywhere to be seen. it could not be possible that he had left them to die on that circumscribed and barren spot. loudly they called, searching every inlet, and sweeping the horizon with terror-lighted eyes. it was true; they were abandoned!

it is curious to witness the effect of despair on different minds, of the near approach of that hateful means for our final suppression. some will fight the monster; others succumb, sinking into drivelling imbecility; others calmly abandon themselves to the inevitable, even the ludicrous aspect of the case coming home to some of them, looking grimly cheerful. as elsewhere, both fools and philosophers were found among nicuesa's crew. some prayed and confessed, with divers degrees of accompaniment, from low lamentation to frantic raving; some cursed; some nursed their horror in sullen silence. 304

i shall not attempt to describe nicuesa's sufferings while on this island. suffice it to say that on a scanty diet of roots and shell-fish with brackish water many died, while others wished themselves dead; for the former might rot in peace, but the latter yet living swarmed with impatient vermin. and there was little satisfaction in effort, when drinking only increased thirst, and eating but kept alive despondency. truly it was a good thing, a grand thing to adventure life to capture wild lands and rule one's fellows!

thus weeks passed. then like a ray shot from the redeemer's throne a sail was seen. men wasted to the last extremity shook off death's grip and roused themselves, stretching their long lank necks, their bony chins and glazed eyes toward the approaching vessel, which soon came to anchor before the island. ribero was not a villain after all. satisfied that veragua was behind them, but unable to convince nicuesa, ribero won over to his views the three boatmen, left the island during the night, retraced their course and reached veragua. there they found the colonists, with olano bearing rule, who on the information of ribero could scarcely do less than send his governor succor.[vi-12]

leaving here nicuesa, let us inquire concerning the other portions of his scattered colony. two months having elapsed since the departure of the governor from the port of misas, and hearing nothing from any one, cueto, in whose charge the fleet was left, became uneasy, and taking a small vessel, set out in search of his commander. the only tidings he could gain were from a letter found on an island, wrapped in a leaf and fastened to a stick, which informed 305 him that nicuesa was well and still journeying westward. returning to misas, cueto with the entire fleet sailed for veragua; but so badly worm-eaten were the ships that he was obliged to come to anchor at the mouth of the river chagre,[vi-13] which from the ravenous alligators that swarmed there was called by the spaniards lagartos. there portions of the cargoes were landed; and while attempts were made to repair the ships, one of the pilots, pedro de umbría, was sent in quest of the lost governor. meanwhile lope de olano arrived.

woes of nicuesa.

evidently the lieutenant did not in his heart desire his captain's return. for although in reciting to his comrades the circumstances of the storm, and the disappearance of the governor, with such variations as suited his purpose, with tears which would have done honor to the crocodiles thereabout, he made no effort to find nicuesa. he affected to believe him dead. "and now, gentlemen," he said, "let no more mention be made of him if you would not kill me."

the fleet now proceeded to belen, where the usual catalogue of disasters attends the disembarkation. four men are drowned. the worm-eaten ships are dismantled, broken in pieces, and of the fragments huts are made on the site formerly occupied by bartolomé colon. olano, after some opposition, is formally proclaimed lieutenant-governor. raids follow; 306 but the quibian, grown wise by experience, retires with his people, and leaves the spaniards to shift for themselves. there being nothing to steal, they starve. disease and disaffection follow; olano is not happy.

wrathful, indeed, was nicuesa on reaching belen. against olano his indignation was extreme. he charged him with wilful desertion, with felonious destruction of the ships, and with gross mismanagement. he had ruined all. branding him as a traitor he ordered his arrest; and when some feeble attempts were made by the others to mitigate the governor's displeasure, he broke forth on them. "it well becomes you," he exclaimed, "to ask pardon for him, when you should be begging mercy for yourselves!"

but of what use were oaths and bickerings? of his gallant company half were dead, and the less fortunate remainder lived only to suffer yet awhile before following. of all the men who came from spain, proud nicuesa lost the most, having most to lose. of all new world woes, nicuesa's woes were greatest; the half of what thus far has been words cannot tell, and the worst part is yet to come.

nombre de dios.

now that the rich veragua was reached, the golden castile of greedy anticipations, what then? the gold with which to load the ships was wanting; the ships with which to bear away that gold were almost all destroyed. the fertile soil was marshy, the spicy air malarious, the redundant vegetation yielded little food for man. sallow-faced skeletons of men clamored their distress. death was busy enough, so olano's life was spared, though his badge of office was exchanged for fetters. even foragers perished for want of food; every member of one band died from eating of a putrescent indian. the governor grew peevish; his generous temper was soured by misfortune. the colonists complained of his harsh treatment and indifference to their sufferings. and they said to him: "the fates are against us here; let us abandon this 307 place." "oh, very well!" snarled nicuesa. leaving alonso nu?ez, with the dignified title of alcalde mayor, and a few men to harvest some grain planted by olano, the colonists embarked in two brigantines and a caravel, built of fragments of the broken ships, to seek some healthier spot. after sailing eastward some twenty leagues, a genoese sailor named gregorio addressed the governor: "i well remember, when with the admiral in this vicinity we entered a fine port where we found food and water." after some search the place was found, the portobello of columbus, and an anchor dropped there by the admiral was seen protruding from the sand. landing for food, the spaniards were attacked and twenty killed; indeed, they could scarcely wield their weapons so weak were they. faint and disheartened they continued their way about seven leagues farther, when approaching the shore nicuesa cried out: "paremos aquí en el nombre de dios!" here let us stop in god's name! they found anchorage, the place being the puerto de bastimentos of columbus. the companions of nicuesa, however, ready in their distress to seize on any auspice, took up the cry of their commander and applied the words nombre de dios[vi-14] to the harbor which they then entered, and which name to this day it bears.

here another attempt was made to locate the government of castilla del oro. disembarking, nicuesa 308 took formal possession, erected a fortress, and began again his necessary though suicidal policy of foraging. the natives retired. the malarious atmosphere wrapped the strangers in disease and death. the caravel was sent back to veragua, and alonso nu?ez and the remnant of the colony brought away. the vessel was then sent to espa?ola for supplies, but neither ship nor crew were ever afterward heard from. meanwhile nicuesa and the remnant of his luckless company made a brave stand, but all of no avail. long since fate had decreed their destruction. it was not possible in their present condition to live. reptiles as food became a luxury to them; the infected sunlight dried up their blood; despair paralyzed heart and brain; and to so dire extremity were they finally reduced that they were scarcely able to mount guard or bury their dead.[vi-15]

in my bibliographical notices thus far i have had occasion to make mention more particularly of original documents referring to individual episodes. i will now say a few words concerning the early chroniclers, las casas, oviedo, peter martyr, and gomara, and of the later and more general writer, herrera. on these, the corner-stones of early spanish american annals, the fabrics of all who follow them must forever rest. 309

the writings of las casas.

the lives of las casas and oviedo constitute in themselves no small portions of their respective histories. both came to the new world, and each took an active and prominent part in many of the matters of which he wrote. they were nearly of an age; the former being born at seville in 1474, and the latter at madrid in 1478; but oviedo did not come to america until 1514, being with pedrarias dávila when he went to govern darien, while las casas took up his residence under ovando at espa?ola in 1502. las casas was an ecclesiastic whose life was devoted to befriending the indians, and he did not leave america for the last time until 1547, after half a century of most humane service; oviedo was a cavalier who sought to better his broken fortunes by obtaining through his influence at court the office of veedor de las fundiciones del oro de la tierra firme, supervisor of gold-melting for tierra firme, which office he held throughout his connection with the affairs of the continental indies, until 1532. both were influential men at court, las casas being quite intimate with young charles, while oviedo had been mozo de cámara, or page to prince juan. both made frequent trips between spain and america; oviedo crossed the atlantic twelve times, las casas even more.

las casas was as able an annalist as he was reformer. his greatest work, historia de las indias, was begun in his fifty-third year, and completed in 1561, five years before his death. it was extensively copied and used in manuscript, but was not printed until 1875-76. though consisting of five volumes, it comprises but three decades, or books, and brings the history of the new world down only to 1520. it was the author's original intention to have continued his work through six decades, which would have brought it down to 1550, and hence have included his important experiences in guatemala, chiapas, and mexico. next to the general history of the indies stands the apologética historia, comprising a description of the country and the customs of the people, and written to defend the natives against the accusation that they lacked system in their societies, not having reason to govern themselves. his first printed work was issued in mexico in 1546; it was entitled cancionero spiritual, and was dedicated to bishop zumárraga. at seville, in 1552, was published, in one volume 4to, breve relacion de la destruccion de las indias occidentales, and other tracts of a similar nature; such as his controversy with sepúlveda; his thirty propositions; remedies for the reformation of indies; rules for confessors; a treatise proving the sovereign empire and universal authority which the kings of castile and leon have over the indies, etc. this collection was put in print in latin, french, italian, german, and dutch, some of the translations appearing in several editions. the controversy with sepúlveda was issued separately. juan antonio llorente printed at paris in 1822 a coleccion de las obras del obispo de chiapa, 2 vols. 8vo, which was published the same year in french, under title of ?uvres de don barthélemi de las casas. the collection comprises several of his less important works; the french translation is remarkably free, the author being at times quite lost sight of, and several new pieces of doubtful origin are added. as a writer, las casas is honest, earnest, and reliable, except where his enthusiasm gets the better of him. his learned opponent and arch-enemy, sepúlveda, pronounces him most subtle, most vigilant, and most fluent, compared with whom the ulysses of homer was inert and stuttering. 310 he was not only a thorn in the flesh of evil-doers, but by his persistent and stinging effrontery he often exasperated mild and benevolent men. but whatever his enemies may say of him, and they are neither few nor silent, true it is that of all the men who came to the indies he almost alone leaves the furnace with no smell of fire upon him.

gonzalo fernandez de oviedo y valdés.

gonzalo fernandez de oviedo y valdés was of the noble family of oviedo in asturias. in early childhood, before entering the service of prince juan, he was with the duke of villa hermosa. while watching the fall of granada he met columbus, and afterward witnessed his triumph at barcelona. after the death of his young master in 1497, who in fact was of his own age, oviedo went to italy, where art and science were enlivened by war, serving under frederico of naples, and sometimes jewel-keeper to queen juana. married at madrid, in 1502, to the beautiful margarita de vergara, whom he lost in childbirth ten months after, he plunged into the excitement of war, serving as secretary to córdoba in the french campaign. marrying again, he hovered about the court until, in his thirty-sixth year, his dwindling fortunes sent him with pedrarias to darien, in the capacity before mentioned. his doings there will be told in the text of this history; suffice it to say here that most of his time there was spent in broils with the governor, beside which he had to endure the loss of his wife and child, imprisonment, and the dangerous wound of an assassin's knife. but, obtaining at last the appointment of pedro de los rios in place of pedrarias, and for himself the governorship of cartagena, which office, however, he never exercised, after three years' further residence in tierra firme, this time in nicaragua, he returned to spain in 1530, spent two years in arranging his notes, resigned his veeduría, and received the appointment of cronista general de indias. in the autumn of 1532 he went to santo domingo, and although appointed the following year alcalde of the fortress of santo domingo, the remainder of his life was passed chiefly in literary work. after an eventful life of seventy-nine years he died at valladolid in 1557, while engaged in the preparation for the press of the unpublished portion of his history. throughout the whole of his career oviedo seems to have devoted every spare moment to writing. even before he was appointed royal chronicler he was an indefatigable collector of material. he was well acquainted with the prominent persons of his time, and few expeditions were made without adding to his store. want of discrimination in the use of authorities is more prominent in his writings than want of authorities. of twelve literary efforts but one, beside those relating to america, found its way into print. he formed the plan of writing about the new world long before he first crossed the ocean, and actually began his history, according to josé amador de los rios, before 1519, keeping open the general divisions for additions to the day of his death. after his return from the second voyage to darien he wrote at the request of the king, and chiefly from memory, as his notes were at santo domingo, de la natural hystoria de las indias, printed at toledo in 1526. this work was republished by barcia, historiadores primitivos, i., translated into italian by ramusio, viaggi, iii., and garbled by purchas in his pilgrimes, iv. 5. this, it must be borne in mind, is totally distinct from the historia general y natural de las indias, islas y tierra-firme del mar océano, por el capitan gonzalo 311 fernandez de oviedo y valdés, primer cronista del nuevo mundo, and which alone admits the author to the first rank as a historian. the general history was originally divided into three parts, containing in all fifty books. the first part, comprising nineteen books, with the preface and ten chapters of the fiftieth book—not 20, 21, or 22 books as different bibliographers state—was published during the author's life at seville in 1535, under the title historia general, etc., and republished at salamanca in 1547 as hystoria general. this rare issue contains in several places a few columns of additional matter which have not escaped my attention. an italian version of the same parts was published by ramusio in his viaggi, iii.; the first ten books were translated into french and published as histoire naturelle, etc., paris, 1556; the twentieth book, or the first of the second part, was published separately at valladolid in 1557 as libro xx., etc. thirteen chapters of book xlii., relating to nicaragua, were published in french by ternaux-compans, histoire du nicaragua, in his second series of voyages, iii., paris, 1840. finally, the fifty books complete were beautifully and accurately printed at madrid in four folio volumes, with plates, by the real academia de la historia in 1851-55. the editor, josé amador de los rios, gives in an introduction the best notice of the life and writings of the author extant. oviedo was not a learned man like peter martyr, and it is doubtful if a further insight into the books of the day would have made him any wiser; yet a man who could dictate the natural history of a new country without his notes cannot be called illiterate. he knew latin and the modern languages; but his familiarity with latin was not sufficient to prevent an unpleasant parade of it. nor did he possess the genius or practical sagacity of las casas; yet his extraordinary opportunities were not wholly wasted, nor did life at court, political quarrels, or gold-gathering at any time wholly stifle his ambition to achieve the useful in letters. oviedo was a fair example of the higher type of spaniard of that day; he was intelligent, energetic, brave; but cold, unscrupulous, and cruel. and this is true, without going full length with las casas in his fiery fanaticism when he says:—"oviedo should regret what he has written of the indians; he has borne false witness against them; and has calumniated them in every way.... he should have inscribed on his title-page, 'this book was written by a conqueror, robber, and murderer of the indians, whole populations of whom he consigned to the mines, where they perished'.... his work is as full of lies as of pages." to which sentiment i by no means subscribe. probably no kind of work, however thoroughly and conscientiously done, is more open to criticism, is more certain to be criticised on every side, than contemporaneous history from facts for the first time gathered, and from many and conflicting witnesses. ternaux-compans says well:—"oviedo n'est pas exempt des préjugés de son temps contre les indiens, mais après tout, ce qu'il dit se rapproche plus de la vérité que les peintures fantastiques de l'évêque de chiapa, qui veut retrouver l'age d'or même chez les nations les plus féroces." both of these authors, las casas and oviedo, wrote in the heat of the engagement of the abnormal and ill-understood scenes passing under their immediate notice. what they wrote was certainly true to them; it is our business to analyze and sift, and make their records true to us. in the showy criticisms of these and a kindred class of authors we see generally something 312 brought in about style and arrangement. the latter is always bad, and the index worse than none; but critics should find something better to do than find fault with the words and their arrangement of these old fighting chroniclers. of course their style is bad, abominable; but who cares for style in them? one wants only the facts. their books are not made to be read, but to be used. rios seems to entertain a proper appreciation of the matter when he writes:—"mas ya fuera porque procurase dar á su lectura aquella diversidad, tantas veces por él apetecida, ya porque la misma fatiga é irregularidad con que recibia los datos, le impidiese someterlos á un plan maduro é inalterable; es lo cierto que la crítica de nuestros dias, al par que aprecia y agradece tan interesantes inquisiciones, echa de menos cierta cohesion y armonia en la exposicion de las costumbres de los indios, no hallando mayor enlace en la narracion de los descubrimientos y conquistas, que ni se refieren siempre en órden cronológico, ni guardan entre sí la conveniente relacion para que pueda comprenderse sin dificultad su influencia recíproca."

peter martyr's works.

while the protector of the indians and the first chronicler of the new world were thus gathering and recording historical data in the several parts of america, one of the most learned men of europe, pietro martire d'anghiera, or latinized anglerius, commonly called peter martyr, was collecting similar facts in spain, and recording them, copiously diluted with the philosophy of the day, in the form of ten-year epochs, constituting in the end a series of decades. the duchy of milan was the early home of this chronicler, and 1457 the year of his birth. his family was of noble descent, and originally of anghiera. going to rome in 1477 to finish his education, he became so conspicuous for learning and eloquence that ten years later the spanish ambassador invited him to try his fortune at the court of the spanish sovereigns. by them he was graciously received, especially by isabella, who wished to occupy him in the instruction of the young nobles of castile. the ardent italian must have a taste of war, however, before settling into permanent sagedom; so he fought before baza, and laid not down the sword till the city of the alhambra fell. then he became a priest, and turned toward pursuits more in keeping with his natural bent and erudition. he opened various schools of learning, which youth of quality made it the fashion to attend. having risen into high consideration at court, in 1501 he was sent by the crown on missions to venice and cairo, in which he acquitted himself creditably, and wrote on his return the de legatione babylonica, an account of lower egypt in three books. on ferdinand's death he was appointed by jimenez ambassador to the sultan selim, but refused the honor on account of his age; and afterward he did not find charles less inclined to acknowledge his merits. during the three years following his return from egypt he was appointed prior of the cathedral of granada, and by the pope apostolic prothonotary, and in 1518 he took his seat in the council of the indies. his life was one of rare industry, in which he gathered and disseminated much knowledge, and which gained him the respect of princes; his death occurred in 1526, in the 69th year of his age, and he was buried in his cathedral at granada. peter martyr is the author of at least two great works, viewed historically. they are written in latin, of anything but ciceronian ring, for patristic is to the patrician latin as the 'frenche of stratford atte 313 bowe' is to the french of paris. of these his two notable works the chief is de orbe novo, an account of the new world and its wonders, in eight decades, or books. the first, and the first three, of these decades were published at different times during the author's life, but the eight decades complete did not appear before 1530, when they were printed at alcalá under the title de orbe novo petri martyris ab angleria mediolanensis protonotarii c?saris senatoris decades. three of the decades translated into english by r. eden were printed in 1555, and reprinted in 1577, with another decade added by r. willes. the best complete edition of the eight decades, in their original latin, next appeared in paris, published by r. hakluyt, 1587. indeed, beside the edition of 1530, this is the only complete original edition of the de orbe novo. in 1612 appeared the work entire in english, the result of the 'industrie and painefull trauaile of m. lok gent.' this has been included in a supplement to hakluyt's voyages, london, 1812. beside these important editions, partial translations, extracts, and compilations have appeared at various times and in various languages. in 1534, at venice, in italian, were published, in three several parts, summaries of the history of the indies taken from peter martyr, oviedo, and others. the other of the two works alluded to is a collection of peter martyr's letters, in latin, which brim with notices of contemporary events, and run from 1488 to his death. two editions of these collected letters were published, the first at alcalá in 1530, the second at amsterdam, by the elzevirs, in 1670. the title runs thus—opus epistolarum petri martyris anglerii mediolanensis, etc.; a translation of the letters has never been published. so confused, misdated, and interposed are the epistles that hallam expressed his disbelief in any connection whatever between actual and ostensible dates and service. but the de orbe novo may be regarded equal in authority to the relations of the eye-witnesses las casas and oviedo. peter martyr was the first of the chroniclers to write and to publish on the new world, his decades beginning to appear about the time oviedo first went to the indies. immediately columbus set foot on shore, on his return from the first voyage, the eloquent and philosophic scholar began to question him and those who came with him, and to write, and he never ceased writing until death stopped him. there was so much for a man of his mind to think and talk about. for a time after this marvellous discovery the learned and intelligently curious lived in a ferment concerning it. it was to some extent the revolutionizing of science and philosophy. the lines of tradition were snapped; the cosmos had lost its continuity. peter martyr, a grave man of broad and deep capabilities; well situated for procuring information, meeting daily, many of them at his own table, those who had returned from the indies—discoverers, conquerors, explorers, sailors, priests, and cavaliers—having access to the official letters, diaries, charts, and relations of these men, his account, i say, should be as reliable and as valuable as that of one who had actually mingled in the scenes described. in some respects it should be more so, able as he was to see with a hundred eyes instead of two, and to determine disputes more coolly and equitably. it is true his, records are marred by the haste with which they were written, and by the admitted lack of correction or revision by the author; order and method are nowhere present; mistakes and contradictions are frequent. but 314 we have the raw material, which is far better than any elaboration. las casas was the first of the chroniclers to visit the indies, and the last of the three thus far named to begin to write and publish history, which was in 1552. oviedo began to write at about the date the history of las casas terminates. it was four years after the death of peter martyr that oviedo was appointed official chronicler of the new world. the general relations of the three historians were antagonistic; from which their writings may all the better be brought to harmonize with truth. of the hundreds who have made their criticisms on the writings of peter martyr i will mention but two. says las casas, hist. ind., i. 32: "de los cuales cerca destas primeras cosas á ninguno se debe dar más fe que á pedro martir;" and mu?oz remarks, hist. nuevo mundo, xiii.: "merece indulgencia por el candor con que lo confiesa todo, por su ningun afan en publicar sus borrones, y principalmente porque tal qual es la obra de las décadas contiene muchísimas especies que no se hallan en otra parte alguna, y estas escritas con la conveniente libertad por un autor coetáneo, grave, culto, bien instruido de los hechos, y de probidad conocida."

gomara and herrera.

of much less importance than the preceding are the writings of francisco lopez gomara, particularly his history of the indies, which is an imitation rather than a genuine original, and of which too much has been made, notwithstanding mu?oz pronounces it the first history worthy the name. although icazbalceta, a high authority on the subject, gives the name gómara, or gómora, with the accent on the first syllable as the peninsular pronunciation, with the remark that it is commonly called gomára in mexico, i have not thought best to depart from an almost universal usage. bustamante goes out of his way to signify an accent where it would naturally fall, writing gomára. born in seville in 1510, of an illustrious family—it seems exceptional to find any man of note in spain whose family was not illustrious—and educated at the university of alcalá, he became a doctor of both civil and canonical law, and filled for a time the chair of rhetoric. from the military life designed for him by his parents he was driven by literary tastes into the priesthood; and in 1540, upon the return of cortés from his last visit to mexico, he became chaplain and secretary to the marquis. from this some have inferred and erroneously stated that he spent four years in america prior to publishing his history. at saragossa in 1552-3 appeared his la historia general de las indias, in two folio parts, the first general, and dealing chiefly with peru, the other devoted to mexico. the book was popular; and in 1553 from medina del campo issued another folio edition; and another from saragossa the year following, with this difference as to the last, however, that its second part was treated as a separate work and entitled cronica de la nueua espa?a con la conquista de mexico, y otras cosas notables: hechas por el valoroso hernando cortes, while the first part appropriated the original title of historia general, etc. then appeared an edition at antwerp, 1554, and one in which the date, 1552, is evidently spurious. the author seems to have handled government affairs too roughly; for in 1553 we find the book suppressed by royal decree, which, however, was not fully enforced, and was revoked in 1729. barcia printed a mutilation of the two works in his hist. prim., ii., in 1749, and the two were again published, in a correct form, in biblioteca de autores espa?oles, xxii., madrid, 1852. a somewhat singular case occurred in mexico in 1826, 315 when was issued, in 2 volumes 8vo, historia de las conquistas de hernando cortés, escrita en espa?ol por francisco lopez de gomára, traducida al mexicano y aprobada por verdadera por d. juan bautista de san anton mu?on chimalpain quauhtlehuanitzin, indio mexicano. publílcala para instruccion de la juventud nacional, con varias notas y adiciones, carlos maría de bustamante, which being interpreted, at best is confused. it says that the work, written in spanish by gomara, was translated into the mexican language, and there leaves it. on turning over the leaves we find the book printed in spanish, and not in nahuatl, as we were led to suppose. nor does a lengthy preface by bustamante make the matter clear in every respect. turning to other sources, and by comparing all information, we finally learn that bustamante and others once believed in the existence, somewhere, of a history of mexico, by the learned and noble native chimalpain. probably it lay hidden in some one of the libraries or government offices about mexico. boturini spoke of various historical manuscripts written by domingo de san anton mu?on chimalpain, some in castilian, and some in nahuatl. note, in passing, the difference in the name, here domingo, and in the title juan bautista. clavigero, leon pinelo, beristain, and antonio de leon y gama also vaguely mentioned some work or works by chimalpain. bustamante claimed, at first, to have found the mexican history of chimalpain in manuscript, and obtained contributions of money from various sources to enable him to print a translation of it, with notes. but before the translation was fairly issued in spanish, the editor was obliged to confess himself mistaken as to its being an original work; it was only gomara rendered into mexican by the learned indian, and now translated back again into spanish by bustamante, the text much marred by the double transformation, but enriched by notes from both editors. there are men so uncharitable as to say that don carlos maría bustamante never found chimalpain's translation, because chimalpain never made one. i do not know. any one of three or four ways was possible. bustamante may have found the alleged translation of chimalpain, and while translating into spanish what he believed an original work, may have discovered it to be gomara; it may have been then in type or printed, or too far advanced to stop; or it may be bustamante, having received the money, felt bound to go on with the work, and concluded to trust to his own and chimalpain's notes to satisfy those concerned and the public; or bustamante may have perpetrated a deliberate fraud. this last, although he is openly accused of it by his countrymen high in authority, i can scarcely believe to be the true solution of the mystery, and rather lean to the first possibility; but i must say that bustamante committed a serious mistake in not admitting this frankly, if true. gomara's history was translated into italian, and published at rome, one edition, 4to, in 1555, and one in 1556; and at venice, one in 8vo, 1565, one in 4to, 1566, and in 8vo again, in 1576. in french, at paris, six editions in 8vo, 1569, 1578, 1580, 1584, 1587, and 1597, the last five reprints of the first, except slight augmentations in the last three. london furnished an english translation by henry bynneman, in 4to, in 1578. the prologue warns all persons against translating the book into latin, as he was engaged thereat himself; but his latin version never appeared. gomara wrote well. his style is better than that of any predecessor; but while his opportunities were 316 great, for he had culture, leisure, and access to the knowledge and material of cortés, it is painfully apparent that his desire was greater to please the master than to present a plain unvarnished tale.

and now, after a century of writing and discussions, comes antonio de herrera y tordesillas as royal historiographer to gather, arrange, and embody in one general history all knowledge available at that time. it was a work needing attention; for if it were further postponed much information then obtainable would be lost. he was born in cuéllar in 1549, and although the father bore the name of tordesillas and the mother of herrera, for the sake of euphony, distinction, or other unknown vagary, the son took the name of his mother, a thing not unusual then or now in spain. at an early age we find him in italy holding the position of secretary to vespasiano gonzaga, viceroy of naples, upon whose death herrera was so well recommended to philip ii. that, in 1596, he was made chief historiographer for the indies. honored also with the title of historiographer of castile and leon, he fulfilled the duties of both offices through portions of the reigns of the three philips, ii., iii., and iv. he was likewise nominated for the first vacant place among the secretaries of state, but died before that vacancy occurred, in the 76th year of his age. as an historian herrera has made a respectable place for himself, but his reputation rests principally, though not wholly, for he wrote much, on his historia general de los hechos de los castellanos en las islas i tierra firme del mar oceano ecrita por antonio de herrera coronista mayor de sv m:d d las indias y sv coronista de castilla, 4 vols. folio, madrid, 1601-15. on the elaborately engraved title-page of the first volume is added, en quatro decadas desde el a?o de 1492 hasta el de 1531, which refers only to the first two volumes, as the whole four volumes consist of 8 decades, comprising general events to 1554. the first two volumes were printed in 1601, and reprinted at valladolid in 1606; the second two volumes appeared in 1615. the work was freely translated; the first decade appearing in french, at paris, in 1659, and with the second decade the year following, the remaining decades in 1671. a most vile translation into english was made by john stevens and published in london, in 6 volumes, the first two in 1725 and the last four in 1726, new editions of which appeared in 1740 and 1743. there were two reprints in spanish; one in antwerp, in 1728, by verdussen, without maps and otherwise faulty; and one in madrid, 1728-30, with notes, corrections, and index by barcia, and therefore better than the first edition, in fact the best extant. at the end of the second volume of the first edition, and as a prefix to the first volume of the barcia edition, should appear the description de las indias occidentales, with maps, translations of which were made in latin, dutch, and french. an attempt was made to carry on herrera's history, and it was continued for three decades, from 1555 to 1584, by pedro fernandez del pulgar, the chronicler who succeeded solis, but it was not deemed of sufficient importance to print. the original manuscript is in the royal library at madrid. herrera was quite a voluminous writer, being author of a general history during the reign of philip ii.; of a history of scotland and england during the life of mary stuart; of portugal, and the conquest of the azores; of france from 1585 to 1594, and of moral and political tracts, and historical, political, and ecclesiastical translations. but though all his works were highly 317 prized for their erudition, none attained the celebrity of his history of the indies. even to-day he may be called chief among historians of spanish-american affairs; not for his style, bald, and accurately prolix; nor for his method, slavishly chronological, and miserably failing in the attempt to do several things at once; but because of his massed material. his position as state historiographer gave him, of course, access to everything, and he made use of his opportunity to an extent then exceptional. at a later period in the art of history-writing his work must have been regarded as crude even for early times. but from one who lived when piety and patriotism were ranked as the highest virtues, higher than truth, integrity, or humanity, the more searching philosophy cannot be expected. beside the faults of style and arrangement there are evidences everywhere of inexperience and incompetent assistance. now that we have before us many of the sources of herrera's material we can see that his notes were badly extracted, and compiled in a bungling manner; so much so that in addition to the ordinary errors, from which to some extent the most carefully executed work cannot be expected to be wholly free, there are many and serious discrepancies and contradictions for which there is no excuse, the cause being simply carelessness. yet, for all that, herrera's is not only the most complete, but one of the most reliable of the new world chronicles, and for this the writer merits the gratitude not alone of his countrymen but of the world.

commentary on the early chroniclers.

before closing this note, i will give clearly my opinion regarding the credibility of the early chroniclers, including in that category for the present purpose all the early writers, conquerors as well as historians, such as columbus and cortés, bernal diaz, solis, torquemada, boturini, and the anonymous conqueror; for i have been assailed by those who, to gain cheap notoriety in refuting them, have attributed to me doctrines which i have nowhere expressed or held. they who cannot build for themselves seem to think it gravely incumbent on them to demolish any structure another may rear, and with one scurrile sweep they would wipe out the work of twenty years. they are correct enough to this extent, that, if ever a building is found so frail as to fall under their attacks, it does not deserve to stand. hence we find it the fashion in certain quarters, under cover of criticism, to repudiate the early writings, in so far at least as they interfere with cherished theory or dogmatic opinion. spain had lately emerged from the moorish wars with great glory, they say, and spaniards in the new world, so long as it remained with them to tell the story, would not be in the least behind their brethren at home in this new field of fiery exploits. hence, for their accounts, naked barbarians were gorgeously apparelled, and surrounded by stately pageantry; art, science, and literature wholly mythical were given them, and cities equal, at least, to the average of civilization were built. instance the tenochtitlan, the tezcuco, the tlacopan of cortés and his contemporaries, which must have been pure fictions. else where are the vestiges of the walls and gardens and palaces? there are no ruins of splendid cities, they continue with the effrontery of ignorance, no remains of aqueducts, stone carvings, and tumuli. there are some fine ruins in central america and yucatan, they admit, displaying no mean advancement in architectural art; but they must have been 318 the work of egyptians, or ph?nicians, or some other foreigners, because they resemble the ruins standing among those nations, and because no aboriginal people capable of such performance exist in america to-day. there was no human sacrifice in mexico, because bigoted ecclesiastics in those days were apt to invest with religious significance every hieroglyph, statue, and consecrated stone. one, more virulent than the rest, himself of indian origin and apparently jealous lest other aboriginals should outshine his cherokee ancestry, and knowing little either of the mexicans or their conquerors, denies the existence of a nahua or maya civilization and denounces every one who differs in opinion with him, on the ground that all american societies of which he knew aught were formed on one skeleton, a most earthy, red, and ignoble one, and that the conquerors, not understanding this social structure, could not correctly describe it, and therefore their statements are not to be relied on.

i can only say that i have studied these chronicles some score of years, that i have studied the monumental and literary remains of the nations conquered, that, apart from the modern writings of both those who believe and those who disbelieve, i have instituted comparisons and weighed evidence with no more desire to reach one conclusion than another, except always to arrive at the right one; and that in my own mind i am well enough satisfied as to about the measure of truth that should be accorded the respective writers of early new world annals. others, my assistants and friends, equally earnest and unbiassed, equally desirous of reaching only the truth, and for whose convictions i entertain the highest respect, have devoted many years to the same research and with similar results. it is not my purpose, nor has it ever been, to appear as the champion of the sixteenth-century chroniclers. it is not my province to champion anything. it is a matter of profound indifference to me what these or those are proven to be, whether angels of light or devils of darkness; it is a matter of lively apprehension with me that i should estimate men and nations at their value, and deduce only truth from statements fair or false. while i entertain a distinct conception of the status of the aztecs and quichés relatively to other nations of the globe, i have no theory concerning the origin of the americans, or the origin of their civilization—except that it seems to me indigenous rather than exotic; nor should i deem it wise in me to husband a doctrine on this or any other palpably unprovable proposition.

i am not prepared by any means to accept as truth all that has been said by priest and soldier. no one is readier than i to admit their frequent attempted deceptions. navigators the world over have been notoriously untrue in regard to their discoveries, giving strange lands strange sights, stocking barren shores with boundless wealth in pearls, and gems, and precious metals, peopling the ocean with monsters, and placing islands, straits, continents, and seas wherever the gaping savans at home would have them. many of these stories are false on their very face, being contrary to nature and to reason. some of them are unintentional falsehoods, the off-float from imaginations warped by education, and now morbidly excited under new conditions. by bodily suffering and perils the mind was now and then reduced to the border of insanity; at which times the miracles, the visions, and the supernatural interpositions they record were real to them. but the 319 best of the early writers wilfully lied in some things, and held it serving god to do so.

weight of evidence.

although the temptation and tendency was to exaggerate, to make the new world conquest equal or superior to any old world achievement; although assertions were at the first not open to contradiction, and the sailors and soldiers of those times, returned from foreign parts, were no more celebrated for telling the truth than those of our own day, yet in the main and as a whole the writings of the spaniards earliest in america are unquestionably true. most of the several phases of error and misstatement are easily enough detected, the events described being either impossible or opposed to preponderant and superior evidence. for example, when las casas, who was conscientious and in the main correct, asserts that manicaotex opposed columbus at the head of 100,000 warriors in espa?ola, we may safely put it down as exaggeration simply from our general knowledge, gained from other sources, of the aboriginal population of these islands and the adjoining continent. here was a multitude of witnesses, european and american, whose verbal or written statements were usually subordinate to substantial facts, unknown to each other, and giving their evidence at widely different times and places. often the conquerors fell out and fought each other to the death, writing to spain lengthy epistles of vindication and vilification, many of which have been preserved; so that where one extolled himself and his achievements, there were a dozen to pull him down. thus from a mass of contradictory statements, on either side of which the less penetrating are apt to linger, to the patient and laborious investigator unfold the clearest truths. he who habitually practises deceit is sure somewhere to expose himself; and the taking of evidence does not proceed far before the examiner can tell the witness more than he himself knows or remembers of the scenes through which he has passed. the native witnesses, living at the time of the conquest and subsequently, were likewise naturally inclined unduly to magnify the glories of their ancestors and of their nation; yet to verify their statements they point to the monuments and material remains then and now existing, to manuscripts, huge piles of which it was the infamous boast of the fanatical conquerors to have burned, but of which enough have been preserved to authenticate all the more important parts of their stories; they also refer to tradition, which is worth as much, and no more, than that of other nations.

blank assertions similar to those advanced against the new world chroniclers might with equal reason and effect be brought forward to overthrow the early records of any nation. christ and confucius may be denied, homer and shakespeare, but that does not prove they never lived. that columbus made his seamen swear that no doubt cuba was zipangu, does not prove that there was in those days no japan. because drake's chaplain chose to tell the most monstrous and wilful falsehoods respecting the climate, metals, and inhabitants of california; because cook, meares, and vancouver sailed by the mouth of the columbia, superciliously scourging those who had spoken of it, this does not prove the non-existence of marin county, or of the river of the west. in such ways as these neither the truth of the one statement nor the falsity of the other is established. but, as i have observed, before us is abundant evidence, palpable and incontestable, 320 that the early writings on america are for the most part true; and if, in the following pages, it does not clearly appear which are true and which false, then has the author signally failed in his effort. i do not in the least fear the overthrow of the general veracity of these writers until there come against them enemies more powerful with more powerful weapons than any that have yet appeared. how senselessly speculative their reasonings! because the natives of the present day cannot tell who or whence were the authors of the carvings, or the builders of the structures upon whose ruins they have gazed since childhood, these works must forsooth have been done by foreign visitors. europeans now and then may have found their way to america, but i find no evidence of such visits before the time of columbus except by the northmen; no one knows of such, nor can know until more light appears. the material relics, i fancy, will always prove a stumbling-block to those who would reject american aboriginal civilization.

that different conquerors, teachers, and travellers of various creeds and nationalities, in various pursuits, in different lands and at various times, together with native testimony, hieroglyphic writings, and traditions, to say nothing of carvings in stone and other monumental remains, should all combine, with satanic inspiration, to perpetrate upon the world one grand and overwhelming fraud is so preposterously ridiculous that the marvel is how there could be found, outside the walls of a lunatic asylum, a single individual with cool impudence enough to ask men to believe it. and yet there are several such, and they find believers. so charmed by the sound of their own voice are these captious cavillers, that they apparently do not deem it possible for such things to exist in this enlightened age as pedantic ignorance and literary fanaticism, of which they are bright examples. they do not seem to know that the petty and puerile theories which they would pass upon the simple as startling conceptions, original with themselves, are as old as the knowledge of the continent. they do not consider that before taking the first step toward proving origin, migration, or kinship by analogy, they must first dispose of the universal relationship of man, the oneness of human nature, human needs, and human aspirations, and then show how men first came upon this earth, and which was land and which water then and since. but those who thus array themselves against american aboriginal civilization and the early spanish writers on the new world do not pretend to offer counter evidence, or to refute with reason; they rely chiefly on flat contradiction. i have yet to find among them all any approach to reasonable propositions or logical argument. they have nothing on which to base argument, neither fact nor plausible supposition. their hypotheses are as chimerical as their deductions are false. they would have the world exercise a far more irrational credulity in accepting their hollow negations, than in believing every word of the most mendacious chronicler. and when they come to deny the presence of a native civilization upon the mexican table-land, they betray lamentable ignorance both of the facts of history and of the nature of civilization.