peel's second cabinet—prorogation of parliament—growing demand for free trade—mr. villiers—his first motion for the repeal of the corn laws—the manchester association—bright and cobden—opposition of the chartists—growth of the association—the movement spreads to london—renewal of mr. villiers' motion—formation of the anti-corn law league—its pamphlets and lectures—ebenezer elliott—the pavilion at manchester—mr. villiers' third motion—want in ireland—the walsall election—depression of trade—peel determines on a sliding scale—his corn law—its cold reception—progress of the measure—the budget—the income tax—reduction of custom duties—peel's speech on the new tariff—discussions on the bill—employment of children in the coal mines—evidence of the commission—lord ashley's bill—further attempts on the life of the queen—sir robert peel's bill on the subject—differences with the united states—the right of search—the canadian boundary—the macleod affair—lord ashburton's mission—the first afghan war: sketch of its course—russian intrigue in the east—auckland determines to restore shah sujah—triumphant advance of the army of the indus—surrender of dost mohammed—sale and the ghilzais—the rising in cabul—murder of burnes—treaty of 11th of december—murder of macnaghten—treaty of january 1st—annihilation of the retreating force—irresolution of auckland—his recall—disasters in the khyber pass—pollock at peshawur—position of affairs at jelalabad—resistance determined upon—approach of akbar khan—the earthquake—pollock in the khyber—sale's victory—ellenborough's proclamation—votes of thanks—ellenborough orders retirement—the prisoners—they are saved—reoccupation of cabul—ellenborough's proclamation—the gate of somnauth.

sir robert peel was sent for by the queen. no difficulties were now raised about the ladies of the court, since the difficulty had been settled through the diplomacy of the prince consort and his well-intentioned, though pedantic, adviser, baron stockmar. in due time the following administration was formed:—first lord of the treasury, sir robert peel; lord chancellor, lord lyndhurst; chancellor of the exchequer, right hon. h. goulburn; president of the council, lord wharncliffe; privy seal, duke of buckingham; home secretary, sir j. graham; foreign secretary, earl of aberdeen; colonial secretary, lord stanley; president of the board of control, lord ellenborough; president of the board of trade, earl of ripon; secretary at war, sir h. hardinge; treasurer of the navy and paymaster of the forces, sir e. knatchbull. the duke of wellington was in the cabinet without office. it was thus composed of thirteen members, but of these wellington, lyndhurst, aberdeen, stanley, and graham were the only people of importance. before the prorogation of parliament on the 7th of october the poor law was continued until the end of the following july, and the financial deficit of ￡2,500,000 was provided for by the creation of ￡5,000,000 of new stock, half of which was devoted to the funding of exchequer bills.

on the reassembling of parliament on the 3rd of february, 1842, sir robert peel was confronted by a rapidly increasing demand for freedom of trade. among the earliest of the parliamentary champions of the people's right to cheap food was mr. villiers, afterwards president of the poor law board. he became a pupil of mr. m'culloch, the author of the "commercial dictionary," who was also one of the soundest and most consistent advocates of commercial and fiscal reforms. the bold attacks of mr. huskisson and mr. canning upon commercial monopolies naturally excited his admiration, and as a supporter of those statesmen he offered himself as a candidate for hull at the general election in 1826. the election was lost by a small majority, and mr. villiers was afterwards called to the bar, became secretary to the master of the rolls, and subsequently one of the examiners in chancery. at the general election in 1835 he presented himself as a candidate for wolverhampton, avowing the same free trade principles which he had professed nine years before at hull. it is said to have been at a meeting at sir william molesworth's, in 1837, that mr. villiers was strongly urged to take the opposition to the corn laws as his peculiar field of parliamentary duty; and in that year he pledged himself at the hustings to move for their total repeal, an object at that time generally regarded as too wild and hopeless to be undertaken seriously by a practical statesman. on the 15th of march, 1838, mr. villiers rose in parliament to make the first of those motions on the corn laws with which he afterwards became associated in the public mind. scarcely any excitement was caused by this discussion. it seems, indeed, to have been regarded rather as an exercise in political speaking by some who viewed the matter in a philosophic, rather than in a practical light, and who had no real expectation of success. only one of the ministers[480] was present during a debate which was destined, in its annual reappearance, to become so formidable to the party of monopoly; and this minister, it was remarked by one speaker, appeared to be taking "his evening siesta," doubtless "owing to weariness induced by his close attention to official duties"—a remark which elicited loud laughter. it must be confessed, however, that the slumber of the minister was no unfit representation of the want of faith in corn law repeal which existed out of doors. it was certain that nothing but pressure from without could obtain even a modification of those laws in the teeth of the all-powerful aristocracy and their representatives in the commons; but as yet the country took little part in the great question of the final emancipation of british industry. for a repeal of the poor laws there had been presented to the house not less than 235 petitions, with 190,000 signatures. the agitation—chiefly supported by the times newspaper and a few socialistic reformers, like mr. fielden, against the law which, harsh as it seemed, was at bottom a really wise and humane measure for raising the people from that condition of acquiescence in misery and degradation to which the bad legislation of past years had so powerfully contributed to reduce them—had assumed formidable dimensions, and stirred the country in every part; but for a repeal of the law which in every way depressed the energies of the people, only a few petitions, bearing at most about 24,000 signatures, had been presented.

queen victoria. (after a portrait painted about the time of her accession.)

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[481]

dunford, near midhurst, where cobden was born.

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while the landed interest were thus showing their determination to maintain, at all hazards, the laws for preventing the importation of foreign corn, a spirit of opposition had been growing up in the large manufacturing towns of lancashire and yorkshire, which, though only partially shared in by the working classes, was already significant of the approaching downfall of the system of monopoly. the first use made by manchester of its constitution as a political borough by the reform act was to send to parliament mr. poulett thomson and mr. mark philips, two members long conspicuous in the house for the zeal and ability with which they supported the principles of free trade. the manchester newspapers generally advocated the same views; and manchester became regarded as the centre of the anti-corn law agitation. no organised movement, however, had yet been attempted. a series of good harvests from 1832 to 1835 rendered it extremely difficult to arouse public attention to the injustice which the bread law invariably inflicted in less favourable circumstances. nevertheless, the effort was made. in january, 1834, a meeting of merchants and manufacturers was held in the manchester exchange committee-room, to consider how the cause of corn law repeal was to be forwarded, at which some powerful speeches were delivered by the members for the borough and other speakers of influence. a committee was appointed, which timidly endeavoured to avoid the appearance of a political agitation and finally ended by doing nothing. but soon the desultory opposition to the bread tax of the manchester chamber of commerce—a body which had only presented one petition on the subject in seven years—was no longer sufficient to represent the feeling of that great centre of industry. seven men united themselves in the month of october, 1838, to advocate the freedom of trade. the names of those seven members are now scarcely remembered out of manchester, with the exception of mr. archibald prentice, the historian of the league, whose newspaper, the manchester times, had fought with considerable talent, and with inexhaustible energy on the side of all the great reforms of this important period in our history. in that newspaper for the 13th of october a list of the provisional committee of a new anti-corn law association was for the first time published. it comprised thirty-seven names, chiefly of manchester manufacturers, and ended with the modest[482] note that "subscriptions, 5s. each, would be received by the members of that committee." such was the simple origin of that vast movement which, a few years later, compelled the very chiefs of the landowners' party in parliament to become the instruments for carrying out measures more sweeping than even the most ardent free traders had regarded as possible. but men of influence were beginning to join the movement. the list of the provisional committee contained at least one name which afterwards became famous—that of mr. john bright. three of them became members of parliament at a later date, and another, mr. george wilson, was afterwards known as the permanent chairman of the league.

the name of the leader of the new movement, however, had not yet been added to the list. mr. bright, whose residence was at rochdale, had not begun to give personal aid to the cause, and was scarcely known out of his native town, where his efforts to improve the moral and social condition of the working classes had, however, long made him conspicuous among his fellow-townsmen. the name of richard cobden, which appears in the additional list of the committee published a short time afterwards, was one more familiar in manchester ears. mr. cobden was the son of a yeoman at dunford, near midhurst, in sussex. beginning with small advantages, he had become a successful tradesman. in the course of 1835 a pamphlet was published by him under the title, "england, ireland, and america." it was followed by a second pamphlet entitled "russia; by a manchester manufacturer." in these writings he advocated peace and retrenchment, and reprobated a panic fear of russia. but he was soon to advocate more important reforms.

meanwhile, the first municipal election under the manchester charter of incorporation had been held, at which mr. cobden, and a number of other gentlemen professing free trade views, had been chosen aldermen, not without formidable opposition. at a meeting held at leeds, and attended by seven or eight thousand persons, the chartists, under mr. feargus o'connor, resisted the resolutions of the free traders, on the ground that the movement was one only intended to give the manufacturers power to lower the wages of their workmen—a mistaken doctrine, but one not altogether without support in the writings of the free trade party, some of whom, with the common propensity of zealous advocates for adopting doubtful arguments as well as good ones in support of their objects, had put forth the statement that the british manufacturer required cheap food in order to get cheap labour, and thus to compete the better with foreign producers. the opposition of the chartists created great confusion at almost every meeting held under the auspices of the manchester association. bread, however, continued to rise, and the task of the association in rousing the country became easier.

subscriptions began to pour in for the association, and the work went on. the year 1839 opened with bright prospects for the anti-corn law crusade. times were, indeed, changed since pseudo-liberals had been able to make the apathy of the country an excuse for withholding aid from those who had, on principle, continued to demand justice in the matter of the poor man's loaf. the movement was rapidly becoming general. mr. villiers had prophesied in the last session of parliament that the day was not far distant when the landed interest would be compelled to treat this question with respect, and abandon the practice of shouting down the advocates of free trade in the legislature. that day had now arrived, and sooner, probably, than the prophet himself had expected it. there was scarcely a large town or thickly populated district in great britain which had not moved, or which was not about to petition parliament against the bread-tax. in many cases political differences were not allowed to hinder the common fellowship of citizens having such an object as the overthrow of a system that threatened to convert the mercantile community into a mass of bankruptcy, and to involve all classes in deep distress.

from the manufacturing districts the movement was spreading to the metropolis, where usually there had been but little attention paid to this important subject. the various trades of london began to take part in the preparation of petitions, and to hold meetings. at some of these the working men carried resolutions against the petitions; and they made similar, though unsuccessful, attempts in various towns. but it was remarked that even while refusing to take preliminary measures for procuring relief from the bread-tax, they declared its injustice; in fact, the savage mood to which the prevalent distress was bringing the labouring classes began to manifest itself in a determination to postpone every question save that of their claim to a share of political power. they were not friendly to the middle class; but their ill-will could not be cited even as a proof of their indifference to the continuance of the corn law system.

[483]

on the 12th of march, 1839, mr. villiers again moved for a committee of the whole house to take into consideration the act regulating the importation of foreign corn, and the manchester delegates were once more in london to watch the progress of events. on this occasion the house again decided, by 342 votes to 195, not to take the subject into consideration. the defeat was of course expected; but the members of the association immediately assembled again, and issued an address to the public, in which for the first time they recommended the formation of a permanent union, to be called the anti-corn law league, and to be composed of all the towns and districts represented in the delegation, and as many others as might be induced to form anti-corn law associations, and to join the league. delegates from the different local associations were to meet for business from time to time at the principal towns represented; but in order to secure unity of action, it was proposed that the central office of the league should be established at manchester, and that to its members should be entrusted the duties of engaging lecturers, obtaining the co-operation of the public press, establishing and conducting a stamped periodical publication, and keeping up a constant correspondence with the local associations. the delegates then parted, becoming so many local missionaries for spreading the doctrines of the new crusade. the manchester association had issued a large number of handbills and placards. it now began to publish more largely and systematically a series of pamphlets. among these were "facts for farmers," in which it was shown to demonstration that, whatever might be the interest of the landowners, their tenants had no real share in the benefits of their monopoly. the cheapness of the publications secured them an extraordinary sale wherever political questions were discussed. mr. villiers's speech, extending to thirty-two closely printed pages, was sold at three halfpence; mr. poulett thomson's speech, occupying sixteen pages, at three farthings. when the appeals were made to the electors of the kingdom during the height of the agitation, as many as half a million each of the more popular tracts were issued at a time. in accordance with the resolution passed by the league at its formation in london, a fortnightly organ of the new movement was started on the 16th of april. its title was the anti-corn law circular. a preliminary address announced that a copy of the paper would be regularly forwarded to every newspaper, review, and magazine in the empire. the first number contained a "modern history of the corn laws," by richard cobden, with various information on the progress of the movement. meanwhile the work of lecturing went on. free trade missionaries were dispatched to all parts, and, to the annoyance of the landlords, even preached their obnoxious doctrines to audiences in smock frocks in the agricultural towns and villages, where the views of the country party had hitherto held undisputed sway. among the most remarkable of these speakers was colonel perronet thompson, who, by his celebrated "catechism of the corn laws," and his other writings, had done perhaps more than any other man of his time to confute the fallacies of the protectionist party. the clear and terse style, the shrewd reasoning power, the apt and homely illustration, and, above all, the hearty sincerity and good temper of this remarkable man, were equally acceptable among the most refined or the least educated audiences.

in the same field was to be found the poet ebenezer elliott, the "corn law rhymer." by his addresses to his fellow-townsmen of sheffield, his remonstrances with the infatuated followers of o'connor, who fancied that their own cause was opposed to that of the manchester league, and by his powerful "corn law rhymes," elliott rendered services to the movement of the highest value. a good specimen of elliott's powers of versification is afforded by the following song:—

"child, is thy father dead?"

"father is gone!

why did they tax his bread?

god's will be done!

mother has sold her bed;

better to die than wed:

where shall she lay her head?

home we have none!

"father clammed[3] thrice a week,

god's will be done!

long for work did he seek,

work he found none.

tears on his hollow cheek

told what no tongue could speak;

why did his master break?

god's will be done!

"doctor said air was best—

food we had none;

father, with panting breast,

groaned to be gone.

now he is with the blest!

mother says death is best!

we have no place of rest."

"yes, ye have one!"

the opening of the year 1840 saw no flagging in the efforts of the manchester men to bring forward the question, which the annual register had just regarded as finally set at rest. it had[484] been determined that a great meeting of delegates should be held in that city. there was no hall large enough to hold half of the then members even of the local association, and it was therefore resolved to construct one. mr. cobden owned nearly all of the land then unbuilt on in st. peter's field—the very site of the peterloo massacre of 1819. in eleven days one hundred men constructed on this spot a temporary pavilion, which afterwards gave place to the permanent free trade hall, which long continued to be the favourite scene of great political meetings. the manchester times described the pavilion as comprising an area of nearly 16,000 square feet. it contained seats for dining 3,800 persons, and 500 more were admitted after the dinner. among the most conspicuous speakers at the banquet were daniel o'connell, mr. cobden, and mr. milner gibson; but perhaps the most interesting feature in the proceedings was the operatives' banquet, which took place on the following day. five thousand working men, overlooked by their wives, sisters, and daughters in the galleries, sat down on that occasion. it was evident from this that the people were emancipating themselves from the advice of evil counsellors, and were beginning to see the importance to their interests of the movement of the league.

mr. villiers renewed his motion on the 26th of may, 1840, after the presentation of petitions in support of his views bearing a quarter of a million of signatures. these signs of the growth of public opinion had no effect upon the house. there was a fixed determination to give neither mr. villiers nor the petitioners a fair hearing. he was assailed with a volley of every kind of uncouth sounds. the speaker's calls to order were utterly disregarded, and it was not until, losing patience, he commanded the bar to be cleared, and members to take their seats, that the advocate of free trade could be heard by the reporters. it was useless to carry on the discussion amid this deafening clamour. lord john russell weakly demanded what the government could do when a majority of the house was against any alteration in the law, and said he would vote for the motion, but not with a view to total repeal, as his own opinion was in favour of a moderate fixed duty. the house again divided, when 300 members voted for the landlords' monopoly, against only 177 in favour of inquiry.

while these events were occurring in london, renewed signs of that terrible irish difficulty which, in the end, played so prominent a part in hastening the conversion of the party who had opposed free trade, began to be forced upon the attention of public men. on the 6th of june the limerick reporter stated that at listowel the state of the poor was awful and deplorable, potatoes being sixteen pence a stone, and there being no employment. one morning a boat, containing 560 barrels of oats, while waiting for the steamer at garry kennedy harbour, on its way to limerick, was boarded by a large body of the populace, who possessed themselves of part of the grain. the police were sent for, but did not arrive in time to save the property. the dublin pilot reported that the people of limerick, prompted by the cravings of hunger, had broken out in violent attacks on the flour stores and provision shops throughout the city, sparing none in their devastation. flour was openly seized and distributed by the ringleaders among the populace. the crowd was at length dispersed by the military, and the mayor called a meeting of the inhabitants, to provide some means of meeting the distress. in the meanwhile, ten tons of oatmeal had been distributed among the most wretched, which was stated for the present to have satisfied their cravings. these things, it was remarked, took place while corn and flour, to the amount of four or five millions sterling, might, in a few weeks, be had in exchange for our manufactured goods.

when such facts as these, again and again urged upon the attention of the legislators, failed to produce any practical result, it became evident to the leaders of the league that they must do something more than be the educators of the people in the principles of free trade. one of the ablest of the london newspapers, which was friendly to their cause, had warned them that nothing could be done in the house of commons until they could send members there expressly to support their views. the fact was that the party which had an interest in opposing the registration bill returned some forty or fifty members; while the corn law leaguers, as yet, returned not one. the leaguers were now aroused to the importance of this branch of their tactics. the first fruit of this policy was seen in december, when the borough of walsall being declared vacant, led to a contest long after remembered in the history of the movement. the leaguers failed; but their failing was not barren. captain lyttelton, a whig, and mr. gladstone, brother of the distinguished statesman were the two candidates on this occasion. the league sent a deputation to[485] test the candidates on the question of corn law repeal, intending to give all their influence to the whig candidate, if he pledged himself to advocate their objects. there was then no hope for assistance from tory statesmen; and the league determined to bring forward a new candidate, in the person of mr. j. b. smith, one of the most prominent of their own body, and then president of the manchester chamber of commerce. amid disturbances during which the military were called in, mr. gladstone was returned, but by the narrow majority only of 362, against 335 votes given for the league candidate. this event created a strong impression; but it was but the beginning of the efforts of the league in this field, which were destined again and again to be crowned with a more successful issue. at the general election of 1841, however, the league was powerless against the conservative majority, though mr. cobden was returned for stockport.

the mob boarding the grain ship at garry kennedy. (see p. 484.)

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meanwhile the country continued to suffer from a great wave of trade depression. gloom and discontent were throughout the land; and the home secretary of the new administration afterwards stated that there was hardly a day during this period when he had not found it necessary to have personal communication with the horse guards, as well as with the heads of the police in the metropolis, and in the manufacturing districts. there seemed, indeed, to be no limit to the distress of the people. in carlisle a committee of inquiry into the state of the town reported that one-fourth of their population was living in a state bordering on absolute starvation. in a population of 22,000 they found 5,561 individuals reduced to such a state of suffering that immediate relief had become necessary to save them from actual famine. terrible accounts from other and far distant neighbourhoods showed how widespread was the evil. the manufacturers of the west of england appointed a committee to consider the distressed state of that district. taking the town of bradford, in wilts, as an example, the committee reported that of the nineteen manufacturers carrying on business there in 1820, nine had failed, five had declined business from want of success, one[486] had taken another trade, and two only remained. of 462 looms, 316 were entirely out of work, and only 11 in full employment; and this distress, it must be remembered, could not be traced to one great overwhelming cause, like that of the failure of the cotton supplies of a later day. the blight that had spread over the field of british industry was to most men a puzzle; but the west of england committee, after reporting that the same condition of things existed at chalford, stroud, ulley, wotton, dursley, frome, trowbridge, etc., did not hesitate to declare that the depression of trade that was destroying capital, and pauperising the working classes was attributable to the legislation on the principle of protection. a public meeting was held at burnley in the summer of 1842 to memorialise the queen on the prevailing distress. at a great public conference of ministers of religion, held in manchester in the previous autumn, it had been resolved that the existing corn laws were "impolitic in principle, unjust in operation, and cruel in effect;" that they were "opposed to the benignity of the creator, and at variance with the very spirit of christianity." this conference, which extended over an entire week of meetings, held both morning and evening, was attended by nearly 700 ministers. their proceedings filled an entire volume, and attracted considerable attention throughout the kingdom. similar conferences were afterwards held in a great number of towns.

in the face of such facts it was clear that something must be done, even by a protectionist ministry, to diminish the effect of the growing belief that bad legislation was at the bottom of the country's difficulties. in the spring men had looked eagerly for the budget of the new ministry. it had been bitterly remarked that at the time when parliament was prorogued there were nearly 21,000 persons in leeds whose average earnings were only 11-3/4 d. per week—that in one district in manchester alone a gentleman had visited 258 families, consisting of 1,029 individuals, whose average earnings were only 7? d. per head a week; and that while millions were in this deplorable condition, the duty on wheat stood at 24s. 8d. a quarter, and sir robert peel and his colleagues demanded four months' leisure at their country abodes before they would permit the legislature to take the distress of the people into consideration. at length came the meeting of parliament, at which the queen in person read the speech prepared by her ministers. it acknowledged with deep regret "the continued distress in the manufacturing districts," and that the sufferings and privations which had resulted from it had been "borne with exemplary patience and forbearance." finally, her majesty recommended to the consideration of both houses "the laws which affect the import of corn and other articles." what was the intention of the ministers was not then known; but it was already understood that, unlike their rivals, who had proposed a fixed duty, the new government would attempt some modification of the sliding scale. in the account of these transactions which sir robert peel left to be published by his executors after his death, he says:—"one of the first acts of the government over which i presided (the government of august, 1841) was to propose a material change in the corn law of 1828. i brought the subject under the consideration of my colleagues by means of written memoranda, in preference to proposals made verbally. in the first of these memoranda i recommended my colleagues to undertake the revision of the corn laws of 1828, as an act of the government. in the second, after i had procured their assent to the principle of revision, i submitted a proposal in respect to the extent to which such revision should be carried, and to the details of the new law." then were seen the first symptoms of that estrangement from his party which reached its climax in 1846. glaring as was the necessity for change, and evident as it was, even to the body of the landowners, that they must choose between the mild reform of peel and the more objectionable measure of his antagonists, there were members of the cabinet who would still have held out for no concession. the duke of buckingham retired from the ministry, and the duke of richmond refused to allow his son to move the address.

the statement of the ministerial measure on the corn laws was fixed for the 9th of february. at five o'clock the ministers moved that the paragraph in the queen's speech relating to the corn laws be read by the clerk. this having been done, and the house having resolved itself into a committee to consider the laws relating to corn, sir robert peel proceeded to explain the measure which he was about to introduce for their modification. the reception of the premier's statement was not flattering. listened to in watchful silence till he unfolded the details of the new sliding scale, he was then hailed from the opposition benches with shouts of triumphant derision. the whigs were relieved at finding that at least his measure was not calculated to be more popular[487] out of doors than the fixed duty which they had proposed; but from his own side sir robert received little support. his customary cheerers were mute, and round him were black faces when he spoke of not wishing corn prices to range higher than 54s. to 58s. towards the close of his speech there was a painful inattention, to which he could not refrain from alluding. the dead silence which prevailed while he was reading the proposed scale was followed, when he had concluded, by a great deal of laughter along the line of the opposition benches, and a loud buzz of conversation on both sides of the house ensued, which did not quite subside during the remainder of the speech. the details of the measure were recapitulated by the minister as follow:—

"when corn is at 59s., and under 60s., the duty at present is 27s. 8d. when corn is between those prices, the duty i propose is 13s. when the price of corn is at 50s. the existing duty is 36s. 8d., increasing as the price falls; instead of which i propose, when corn is at 50s. that the duty shall only be 20s., and that that duty shall in no case be exceeded. at 56s. the existing duty is 30s. 8d.; the duty i propose at that price is 16s. at 60s. the existing duty is 26s. 8d.; the duty i propose at that price is 12s. at 63s. the existing duty is 23s. 8d.; the duty i propose is 9s. at 64s. the existing duty is 22s. 8d.; the duty i propose is 8s. at 70s. the existing duty is 10s. 8d.; the duty i propose is 5s. therefore it is impossible to deny, on comparing the duty which i propose with that which exists at present, that it will cause a very considerable decrease of the protection which the present duty affords to the home grower, a decrease, however, which in my opinion can be made consistently with justice to all the interests concerned."

in the comments with which he concluded his speech there were some signs of progress in the development of free trade ideas in the mind of the perplexed and trammelled minister, which are interesting to read by the light of his later career. he still maintained, in deference to the views of those who surrounded him, that it was the duty of the legislature to take precautions to ensure that the main source of our supply of food should be derived from domestic agriculture; but he admitted that any protection, beyond what would compensate for the alleged special burdens upon agriculture, could only be vindicated on the ground that it was for the interest of all classes of the community. mr. cobden, who in the autumn of the previous year had been returned for stockport, said a few words after the speech. he declared himself not surprised at the position, constituted as the government was; for he had not, he said, expected to gather grapes of thistles; but he denounced the sliding scale as an insult to a suffering people. following him, lord john russell gave notice that he should move a resolution to the effect that it was not advisable in any alteration of the corn laws to adopt the principle of a graduated sliding scale; and mr. villiers gave notice that, on going into committee, he should take the sense of the house on the policy of imposing any duty whatever on the foreign corn or food imported into the country. the debate on sir robert peel's proposition began on monday, the 14th of february, and reached the close of its first stage on wednesday, when lord john russell's motion was negatived by a majority of 123, in a house of 575. mr. villiers's motion was debated for five nights more, and finally negatived by a majority of 393 to 90. the whigs now gave the people to understand that the eight shilling duty of the year before was abandoned, and that if they were again in power they would propose a lower sum. in parliament the position of the minister was by no means an enviable one. the free traders pressed him closely with questions which must have made him feel still more strongly the embarrassing part which he was compelled to play. in the house of lords the corn importation bill was passed with slight opposition. lord brougham proposed a resolution in favour of a perfectly free trade in corn, which was negatived. a resolution, moved by lord melbourne, in favour of a fixed duty, was also negatived by a majority of 117 to 49.

before this, however, the financial statement for the year had been made, and for awhile the corn law question was suspended for the country to recover from its astonishment at finding in the minister of the conservative party one of the boldest reformers of our tariff who had ever occupied the ministerial benches. but yesterday his position had appeared one of the greatest difficulty, in which a cautious hold upon the established sources of revenue, with some well-balanced proposals for additional taxes, was all that could be expected. he had not the good fortune of mr. goulburn or lord althorp in having a surplus to dispose of. the whig government had bequeathed to their successors a deficit, which had been increasing from year to year, with a revenue falling off even in the face of new taxes. how[488] was the deficit to be met was the question which filled the mouths of public men; a question which was answered by the famous financial statement of sir robert peel on the 11th of march. after showing that the deficiency for the coming year would be little short of ￡2,500,000, and that this deficiency might be expected to be considerably augmented by the position of affairs in india and china, the minister declared that he would not consent to resort to the miserable expedient of continual loans. he declared that he would not attempt to impose burdens upon the labouring classes, and that if he did, recent experience had shown that they would be defeated. in fact, the country had arrived at the limits of taxation upon articles of consumption. after ridiculing the various suggestions of people who were constantly sending him projects for taxes on pianofortes, umbrellas, and other articles, accompanied with claims of very large percentages upon the proceeds, he acknowledged the principle laid down by financiers that increased revenue may be obtained by taking off the taxes which pressed upon industry, but declared that the first effect was always a diminution in revenue, and that time was found necessary to restore the amount. in these circumstances, he stated what the measure was which, under a deep conviction of its necessity, he was prepared to propose, and which, he was persuaded, would benefit the country, not only in her pecuniary interests, but in her security and character. his scheme was this: he proposed, for a period to be limited, an income tax of not more than 3 per cent., from which he would exempt all incomes under ￡150, and in which he would include not only landed but funded property. sir robert peel calculated that the tax would yield ￡3,350,000 a year, a sum which, with an addition to the spirit duties in ireland, and an export duty of 4s. on coals, would not only cover the existing deficiency, but enable him to remit indirect taxes to the amount of ￡1,200,000. the sliding scale had brought little credit to the minister, and the income tax was in its nature an unpopular measure; but the proposal to reduce the custom duties on 750 out of the 1,200 articles in the tariff—to remove prohibitions altogether (in itself a vast concession to free trade doctrines)—to reduce the duties on raw materials of manufactures to five per cent. or less—to keep the duties on articles partially manufactured under twelve per cent., and on articles wholly manufactured under twenty per cent., was a scheme which excited general admiration. the measure was, indeed, contested by the whig opposition at every stage. the preliminary resolutions were debated for eight nights. there were many of sir robert peel's old supporters who looked on the financial plan with distrust, as being founded, in a great measure, avowedly on those principles of political economy which they had been accustomed to sneer at; but, in truth, it was not unfavourable to the interests of their party. we have already seen that the new tax—at least, if a temporary one—was calculated to impose a far greater burden upon the manufacturing and moneyed class than upon the landowners; in fact, by exempting incomes under ￡150 a year, and assessing land only upon its net rental, the burden was imposed almost entirely upon that middle class which was the especial object of the dislike of tories of the more advanced kind. at the same time, by cheapening articles of general consumption, the minister did something towards securing popularity among the working classes, who, as exemplified in the chartist agitation, were not always disposed to take part against the landowners. the income tax bill passed, after considerable opposition in the commons. an amendment proposed by lord john russell was rejected by a vote of 302 to 202, and another amendment, proposing the reading of the bill on that day six months, having been thrown out on the 18th of april by a vote of 285 to 188, the third reading was carried by a majority of 130 on the 30th of may. no debate took place in the lords until the third reading, when the bill passed by a majority of 71.

the amended copy of the proposed tariff was laid on the table of the house of commons on the 5th of may; and its details explained by the premier in a speech which served to bring out still more strongly the anomalous position in which he was placed. his speech was a long elaborate statement distinguished for its excellent temper, its clearness, and, above all, by its singularity as delivered by the conservative leader. he went over all the sections of his subject, showing how the removal of prohibitions would benefit everybody; how the reduction of duties on raw materials would stimulate trade; how the diminished duties on provisions would make living cheaper for all; and how the lesser protection to manufactures would injure none. such, he said, were the grounds of the change which it was his intention to carry through; adding, "i know that many gentlemen who are strong advocates for free trade may consider that i have not gone far enough. i believe that on the general principle[489] of free trade there is now no great difference of opinion, and that all agree in the general rule that we should purchase in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest." loud cheers from the opposition benches here interrupted him. turning in the direction of the cheerers, he said, "i know the meaning of that cheer. i do not now wish to raise a discussion on the corn laws or the sugar duties. i have stated the grounds, on more than one occasion, why i consider these exceptions to the general rule, and i will not go into the question now. i know that i may be met with the complaints of gentlemen opposite of the limited extent to which i have applied the general principle to which i have adverted to these important articles. i thought, after the best consideration i could give to the subject, that if i proposed a greater change in the corn laws than that which i submitted to the consideration of the house, i should only aggravate the distresses of the country, and only increase the alarm which prevailed among important interests. i think that i have proposed, and the legislature has sanctioned, as great a change in the corn laws as was prudent, considering the engagements existing between landlord and tenant, and also the large amount of capital which has been applied to the cultivation of the soil. under these circumstances, i think that we have made as great a change as was consistent with the nature of the subject."

richard cobden. (from a photograph by messrs. w. and d. downey.)

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the free trade journals did not fail to observe that what they called "this remarkable lecture on free trade, protection, and smuggling, delivered from the tory treasury bench," was wound up by the avowal that the principles of free trade were now beyond a question, and that the rule to buy in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest was[490] the only valid theory of commerce. in the house some opposition was offered to the reduction of duties on pigs, apples, butter, fish, and other articles; but the government proposals were affirmed by large majorities, except in the case of apples, which were made to pay 6d. in the bushel. the opposition, however, raised the old question of the sugar duties, which had been omitted from the list of changes; but the chancellor of the exchequer declined to give way, and the tariff bill passed the commons on the 28th of june. it was fiercely debated in the upper house, but the whigs did not carry any material amendments.

the vast development of the coal trade, which contributed so materially to our national prosperity, occasioned the employment of a large number of persons at high rates of wages. upwards of 118,000 people were working in coal mines. in the county of durham there were more persons thus employed under ground than in cultivating the surface. it was a kind of work at which women and children could earn money, and in some of the collieries their labour was made available to a very large extent. it may be supposed that this practice entailed upon the boys and girls so employed the most serious evils, physical and moral. when this state of things began to attract public attention, an extensive inquiry was instituted by the children's employment commission, which prepared three reports, presented to parliament in 1842. the commissioners collected a large mass of evidence at the collieries which brought to light facts of the most astounding nature as to the cruelty and demoralisation connected with the employment of women and children in coal mines. it seemed almost incredible that such practices could have existed in a civilised country, and showed the extent to which the thirst for gain will carry men, under circumstances where they can count upon impunity, and evade the censure of public opinion. lord ashley took up the subject with his usual earnestness in all questions affecting the welfare of the working classes, and in the session of 1842 he brought in a bill founded upon the reports of the commission. the statement of facts with which he introduced the measure excited the astonishment and indignation of the house, and greatly shocked the moral sense of the country. the nature of the employment in which the children were engaged was calculated to brutalise them in every sense. they were obliged to crawl along the low passages with barely room for their persons in that posture, each dragging a load of coals in a cart by means of a chain which was fastened to a girdle borne round the waist, the chain passing between the legs. this they dragged through a passage often not as good as a common sewer, in an atmosphere almost stifling. at this sort of work girls were employed as well as boys, and they commonly worked quite naked down to the waist, their only dress being a pair of loose trousers, and in this condition they were obliged to serve adult colliers who worked without any clothing at all. the grossest immorality was the natural consequence. in scotland a subcommission found one little girl, six years of age, carrying an eight-stone weight, fourteen times a day, a journey equal in distance to the height of st. paul's cathedral. the commissioner adds, "and it not unfrequently happens that the tugs break, and the load falls upon those females who are following, who are, of course, struck off the ladders. however incredible it may be, yet i have taken the evidence of fathers who have ruptured themselves by straining to lift coals on to their children's backs." the bill of lord ashley was passed almost unanimously by the commons. in the lords it was subjected to considerable opposition, and some amendments were introduced. the amendments were adopted by the commons, and on the 10th of august, 1842, the act was passed "to prohibit the employment of women and girls in mines and collieries, to regulate the employment of boys, and to make other provisions relating to persons working therein." the act prohibited the employment of any boys under ground in a colliery who were under the age of ten years.

the example of oxford, who made an attempt on the life of the queen, was followed by another crazy youth, named francis, excited by a similar morbid passion for notoriety. on the 29th of may, 1842, the queen and prince albert were returning to buckingham palace down constitution hill in a barouche and four, when a man who had been leaning against the wall of the palace garden went up to the carriage, drew a pistol from his pocket, and fired at the queen. her majesty was untouched, and seemed unaware of the danger. the assassin was observed by prince albert, and pointed out by him to one of the outriders, who dismounted to pursue him; but he had been at once arrested by other persons. the carriage, which was driving at a rapid pace, no sooner arrived at the palace, than a messenger was sent to the duchess of kent to announce the queen's danger and her safety. the prisoner, john[491] francis, the son of a machinist or stage carpenter at covent garden theatre, having been twice examined by the privy council, was committed to newgate for trial at the central criminal court on a charge of shooting at the queen with a loaded pistol. he was only twenty years of age. the trial of francis took place on the 17th of june, before chief justice tindal, baron gurney, and justice patteson. the principal witness was colonel arbuthnot, one of the equerries who was riding close to the queen when the shot was fired, and cried out to a policeman, "secure him!" which was done. colonel wylde, another equerry, with several other witnesses, corroborated the testimony of colonel arbuthnot; and it appeared that francis had on the previous day pointed a pistol at the queen, though he did not fire. for the defence it was alleged that the attempt was the result of distress, and that the prisoner had no design to injure the queen. the jury retired, and in about half an hour returned into court with a verdict of "guilty," finding that the pistol was loaded with some destructive substance, besides the wadding and powder. chief justice tindal immediately pronounced sentence of death for high treason, that he should be hanged, beheaded, and divided into four quarters. the sentence was commuted to transportation for life.

even this example was not sufficient to protect her majesty from the criminal attempts of miscreants of this class. another was made on the 3rd of july following, as the queen was going from buckingham palace to the chapel royal, accompanied by prince albert and the king of the belgians. in the mall, about half way between the palace and the stable-yard gate, a deformed youth was seen by a person named bassett to present a pistol at the queen's carriage. bassett seized him and brought him to the police; but they refused to take him in charge, treating the matter as a hoax. bassett himself was subsequently arrested, and examined by the privy council. when the facts of the case were ascertained, the police hastened to repair the error of the morning, and sent to all the police-stations a description of the real offender. this led to the apprehension of a boy called bean, who was identified, examined, and committed to prison. his trial took place on the 25th of august, at the central criminal court. the attorney-general briefly related the facts of the case, and lord abinger, the presiding judge, having summed up, the jury returned a verdict of "guilty," convicting the prisoner of presenting a pistol, loaded with powder and wadding, "in contempt of the queen, and to the terror of divers liege subjects." the sentence of the court was—"imprisonment in millbank penitentiary for eighteen calendar months."

the repetition of these infamous outrages excited great public indignation, and led to a general demand that something effectual should be done to put a stop to them by rendering the law more prompt and effective, and the punishment more disgraceful. in compliance with this demand, sir robert peel brought in a bill upon the subject, which was unanimously accepted by both houses, and rapidly passed into law. sir robert peel in his bill proposed to extend the provisions of the act of the year 1800, passed after the attempt of hatfield on the life of george iii., to cases where the object was not compassing the life, but "compassing the wounding of the sovereign." "i propose," he said, "that, after the passing of this act, if any person or persons shall wilfully discharge or attempt to discharge, or point, aim, or present at or near the person of the queen any gun, pistol, or other description of firearms whatsoever, although the same shall not contain explosive or destructive substance or material, or shall discharge or attempt to discharge any explosive or destructive substance or material, or if any person shall strike, or attempt to strike the person of the queen, with any offensive weapons, or in any manner whatever; or, if any persons shall throw or attempt to throw any substance whatever at or on the person of the queen, with intent in any of the cases aforesaid to break the public peace, or to excite the alarm of the queen, etc., that the punishment in all such cases shall be the same as that in cases of larceny—namely, transportation for a term not exceeding seven years." but a more effective punishment was added, namely, public whipping, concerning which sir robert peel remarked, "i think this punishment will make known to the miscreants capable of harbouring such designs, that, instead of exciting misplaced and stupid sympathy, their base and malignant motives in depriving her majesty of that relaxation which she must naturally need after the cares and public anxieties of her station, will lead to a punishment proportioned to their detestable acts."

serious differences between great britain and the united states of america occupied the attention of both governments during the years 1841 and 1842, and were brought to a satisfactory[492] termination by the ashburton treaty, referred to in the royal speech at the opening of parliament in 1843. the questions at issue, which were keenly debated on both sides, related to the right of search, the canadian boundary, and the mcleod affair. the government of great britain regarding the slave-trade as an enormous evil and a scandal to the civilised world, entered into arrangements with other nations for its suppression. for that purpose treaties were concluded, securing to each of the contracting parties the mutual right of search under certain limitations. the united states government declined to be a party to these treaties, and refused to have their vessels searched or interfered with in time of peace upon the high seas under any pretence whatever. notwithstanding these treaties, however, and the costly measures which great britain had recourse to for suppressing the nefarious traffic in human beings, the slave trade was carried on even by some of the nations that had agreed to the treaties; and in order to do this more effectually, they adopted the flag of the united states. for the purpose of preventing this abuse, great britain claimed the right of search or of visitation to ascertain the national character of the vessels navigating the african seas, and detaining their papers to see if they were legally provided with documents entitling them to the protection of any country, and especially of the country whose flag they might have hoisted at the time. lord palmerston, as foreign secretary, argued that while his government did not claim the right to search american merchantmen in times of peace, a merchantman could not exempt itself from search by merely hoisting a piece of bunting with the united states emblems and colours upon it. it should be shown by the papers that the vessel was entitled to bear the flag—that she was united states property, and navigated according to law. mr. stevenson, the american minister, protested strongly against this doctrine, denying that there was any ground of public right or justice in the claim put forth, since the right of search was, according to the law of nations, a strictly belligerent right. if other nations sought to cover their infamous traffic by the fraudulent use of the american flag, the government of the united states was not responsible; and in any case it was for that government to take such steps as might be required to protect its flag from abuse.

the question of the canadian boundary had been an open sore for more than half a century. nominally settled by the treaty of 1783, it had remained in dispute, because that arrangement had been drawn up on defective knowledge. thus the river st. croix was fixed as the frontier on the atlantic sea-board, but there were five or six rivers st. croix, and at another point a ridge of hills that was not in existence was fixed upon as the dividing line. numerous diplomatic efforts were made to settle the difficulty; finally it was referred to the king of the netherlands, who made an award in 1831 which was rejected by the united states. the question became of increasing importance as the population grew thicker. thus, in 1837, the state of maine decided on including some of the inhabitants of the disputed territory in its census, but its officer, mr. greely, was promptly arrested by the authorities of new brunswick and thrust into prison. here was a serious matter, and a still greater source of irritation was the mcleod affair. mcleod was a canadian who had been a participator in the destruction of the caroline. unfortunately his tongue got the better of his prudence during a visit to new york in 1840, and he openly boasted his share in the deed. he was arrested, put into prison, and charged with murder, nor could lord palmerston's strenuous representations obtain his release. at one time it seemed as if war was imminent between england and the united states, but, with the acquittal of mcleod, one reason for fighting disappeared.

such being the state of our relations with america, sir robert peel's government determined to send to washington a special ambassador who should be clothed with full powers to effect an amicable adjustment of all the causes of dispute. the gentleman selected for this purpose was lord ashburton. a more judicious selection could not possibly have been made. mr. alexander baring, who had been raised to the peerage in 1835, having been previously president of the board of trade and master of the mint, was known throughout the world as one of our merchant princes, and was the husband of an american lady, the daughter of mr. william bingham, of philadelphia, a senator of the united states. the hopes which his mission excited were not disappointed. he sailed from england in february, 1842, and after a tedious and stormy passage, arrived at new york on the 1st of april. he immediately entered upon negotiations with mr. webster. they continued till the month of august, when a treaty was agreed upon and signed at washington by the two plenipotentiaries, the mutual exchange of ratifications to take place[493] in london within six months of that date. by that treaty the line of the north-eastern boundary was settled, concession on the st. john being purchased by the surrender of a strip of land to the states of new york and vermont. it was stipulated that great britain and america should each maintain a sufficient squadron or naval force, carrying not less than eighty guns, for the purpose of enforcing, separately and respectively, the laws, rights, and obligations of each of the two countries for the suppression of the slave trade, and should use their joint influence for suppressing the slave markets. it also provided for the mutual delivery to justice of all persons charged with murder, or assault with intent to murder, or with piracy, robbery, forgery, and arson committed within the jurisdiction of either country, should they be found within the territories of the other; but the evidence of criminality should be sufficient to warrant the committal for trial of the fugitive according to the laws of the country in which he was apprehended. this was a distinct withdrawal of lord palmerston's pretensions with regard to the mcleod affair. the mission was thus eminently successful, but lord palmerston was of another opinion, and declaimed in the house of commons against the "ashburton surrender." but the commons were unprepared to condemn the work, and the debate ended in a count-out. the house of lords, on the motion of brougham, passed a vote of thanks to lord ashburton.

seizure of sir william macnaghten. (see p. 495.)

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the war in afghanistan was alluded to in the royal speech, at the opening of the session of 1843, in terms of congratulation at the complete success that had attended the recent military operations in that country, owing to the high ability with which they had been directed, as well as the constancy and valour of the european and native forces, which had established, by decisive victories on the scenes of former disasters, the superiority of her majesty's arms, and had effected the liberation of the british subjects that had been held in captivity. this, therefore, is the proper time to relate briefly the incidents of that war, some of which are full of romantic interest. about the year 1837 the attention of the british[494] government in india was attracted by the conduct of certain supposed agents of russia, in the countries to the west of the indus. the russian ambassador, simonitch, was urging the shah to lay siege to herat, "the key to india," and the place was soon closely invested. it was saved by the fortuitous presence in the town of a gallant young officer of engineers, eldred pottinger, who rallied the inhabitants and beat off the enemy. meanwhile, another russian agent, vicovitch by name, had been sent to cabul. in order to counteract his designs, it was thought desirable to establish an alliance with the rulers of afghanistan. with this view overtures were made to dost mahomed khan through a mission headed by alexander burnes. these having failed, chiefly from the ill-advised interference with burnes of the governor-general, lord auckland, the british government sought to establish a friendly power in afghanistan by aiding the exiled prince, shah sujah, in another attempt to regain his throne. the step, which was condemned by numerous clear-sighted people in india, was probably forced upon lord auckland by the melbourne ministry, to whom it was recommended by the military authorities at home, among them the duke of wellington. the chief of cabul had an army of 14,000 men, including 6,000 cavalry, with 40 field-pieces. his brothers held candahar and the surrounding country, with a military force of 4,000 men and 50 guns. the british force assembled to support the claims of his opponent amounted to 28,000 men, aided by a contingent force of 6,000 sikhs, furnished by the ruler of the panjab, and about 5,000 troops raised by the shah's eldest son. this combined force was called "the army of the indus." under the chief command of sir john keane, it advanced to the town of quetta, and thence to candahar, which was occupied without opposition; and there, on the 8th of may, 1839, shah sujah was solemnly enthroned. after this the march was resumed towards cabul. the fortress of ghuznee, believed by the afghans to be impregnable, was blown up and taken by storm. the invading army reached cabul, and on the 7th of august the restored sovereign made his public entry into his capital. having thus accomplished its mission, the army of the indus returned home, leaving behind a detachment of 8,000 men. for two years shah sujah and his allies remained in possession of cabul and candahar, dost mahomed having surrendered after having won a partial success over the british on the 2nd of november, 1840.

but the attempts to reduce the other chiefs to subjection were unsuccessful. an unfortunate collision with the tribes of ghilzais formed a painful episode in the afghan war. the cabul pass is a long defile, through which the road runs from cabul to jelalabad, which it was therefore necessary to keep open for the purpose of safe intercourse between cabul and british india. the indian government thought that the most desirable mode of effecting this object was to pay the ghilzai chiefs a yearly sum from the cabul treasury, in order that our troops might not be molested. but retrenchment being determined upon, the money was withheld; the chiefs, therefore, felt that the british had been guilty of a deliberate breach of faith. they were exasperated, assumed a hostile attitude, and cut off all communication with british india. it therefore became necessary to force the pass, for which purpose major-general sir robert sale was sent by general elphinstone from cabul, with a brigade, of light infantry. on the 12th of october they entered the pass, near the middle of which the enemy were found posted behind precipitous ridges of the mountains on each side, from which they opened a well-directed fire. general sale was hit with a ball above the ankle, and compelled to retire and give the command to colonel dennie. the pass was gallantly cleared, but with severe fighting and heavy loss. after this was accomplished, the force had still to fight its way through a difficult country, occupied by an active enemy, for eighteen days. all the commanding points of the hills were held by the ghilzais, where they were protected by breastworks; and though they had been from time to time outflanked and routed, when the march was resumed and the cumbrous train of baggage filed over the mountains the enemy again appeared from beyond the most distant ridges, renewing the contest with increased numbers and the most savage fury. since leaving cabul our troops had been kept constantly on the alert by attacks night and day. their positions had been secured only by unremitting labour, throwing up entrenchments, and very severe outpost duty. the enemy were eminently skilful at the species of warfare to which their attempts had been confined, and were armed with weapons that enabled them to annoy the invaders from a distance at which they could be reached only by our artillery. the brigade reached jelalabad on the 12th of november.

the force left to keep possession of cabul and guard the protégé of the indian government[495] was so situated as to tempt the aggression of a treacherous enemy. sir william macnaghten, the british resident, and his suite, resided in the mission compound, which was badly defended, and commanded by a number of small forts, while the commissariat stores were placed in an old fort, detached from the cantonment and in such a state as to be wholly indefensible. moreover, general elphinstone, the commander of the troops, was old and inefficient. a conspiracy had been formed by the friends of akbar khan, son of the deposed sovereign, dost mahomed, who forged a document, and had it circulated amongst the principal men of cabul, to the effect that it was the design of the british envoy to send them all to london, and that the king had issued an order to put the infidels all to death. the insurrection commenced by an attack on the dwellings of sir alexander burnes, who was about to succeed macnaghten, and captain johnson, who resided in the city. sir alexander addressed the party from the gallery of his house, thinking that it was a mere riot. the insurgents, however, broke in, killed him with his brother, lieutenant burnes, and lieutenant broadfoot, and set the house on fire. the afghans then surrounded the cantonments, and poured in a constant fire upon them from every position they could occupy. they quickly seized the ill-defended commissariat stores, upon which the existence of the british depended. the garrison bravely defended itself with such precarious supplies as could be had from the country; but at length these supplies were exhausted. winter set in, snow fell, and there was nothing before them but the prospect of starvation. they therefore listened to overtures for negotiation, and the british envoy was compelled to consent to these humiliating terms on the 11th of december, 1841:—that the british should evacuate the whole of afghanistan, including candahar, ghuznee, and jelalabad; that they should be permitted to return unmolested to india, and have supplies granted on their road thither; that means of transport should be furnished to the troops; that dost mahomed khan, his family, and every afghan then detained within our territories should be allowed to return to their own country; that shah sujah and his family should receive from the afghan government one lac of rupees per annum; that all prisoners should be released; that a general amnesty should be proclaimed; and that no british force should ever be sent into afghanistan without being invited by the afghan government. these terms having been agreed to, the chiefs took with them captain trevor as a hostage; but nothing was done to carry the agreement into effect, and macnaghten and elphinstone remained irresolutely at cabul. some of their staff attempted to bribe the afghans, and akbar khan thereupon determined to withhold supplies. it soon became evident that the object was to starve out the garrison, and compel them to surrender unconditionally. at length, on the 22nd of december, they sent two persons into the cantonment, who made a proposal in the name of akbar khan, that the shah should continue king, that akbar should become his prime minister, and that one of the principal chiefs should be delivered up to the british as a prisoner. this was a mere trap, into which sir william macnaghten unfortunately fell with fatal credulity. on the 23rd of december the envoy, attended by captains lawrence, trevor, and m'kenzie, left the mission compound, to hold a conference with akbar khan in the plain towards serah sung. crowds of armed afghans hovering near soon excited suspicions of treachery. captain lawrence begged that the armed men might be ordered off; but akbar khan exclaimed, "no, they are all in the secret." at that instant sir william and the three officers were seized from behind and disarmed. sir w. macnaghten was last seen on the ground struggling violently with akbar khan, consternation and terror depicted on his countenance. "his look of wondering horror, says kaye, "will never be forgotten by those who saw it, to their dying day." the other three officers were placed on horses, each behind a ghilzai chief, who galloped off with them to a fort in the neighbourhood. captain trevor fell off his horse, and was instantly murdered. the others were assailed with knives by the infuriated afghans, and barely escaped to the fort with their lives. meanwhile the head of the british minister was cut off and paraded through the streets, while the bleeding and mangled trunk was exposed to the insults of the populace in the principal bazaar.

notwithstanding all this treachery and barbarity, general elphinstone, feeling his situation desperate, was weak enough to trust the afghan chiefs, and to enter into a convention with them on the 1st of january, in the hope of saving the garrison from destruction. the negotiations were carried on by major pottinger, the defender of herat, and it was agreed that the former treaty should remain in force, with the following additional terms:—that the british should leave behind all their guns excepting six; that they should immediately give up all their treasures;[496] and that hostages should be exchanged for married men with their wives and families. to this, however, the married men refused to consent, and it was not insisted on.

in pursuance of this convention the garrison retired, and began their fatal march on the 6th of january, 1842. the army consisted of 4,500 fighting men, with 12,000 camp-followers, besides women and children. the snow lay deep upon the ground; they had scarcely commenced their march when they were attacked by the afghans, the guns were captured, and they were obliged to fight their way, sword in hand, defending the women and children as well as they could. during the whole way through the snow the road was strewn with bodies and stained with blood. the dead and dying were immediately stripped naked by the enemy, and their corpses hacked to pieces with long knives. during all this time the perfidious akbar khan sent messages, professing his regret at not being able to restrain the ghilzai tribe; and after they had got through the pass, he made a proposal, which was accepted, to take the ladies under his protection. accordingly, lady sale and lady macnaghten, with six others, accompanied by their husbands, were left under his charge. the british troops then halted for a day, bivouacking on the snow. the cold was so intense that the sepoys became benumbed and paralysed, in which state the whole of them were next day attacked and cut to pieces. the europeans managed to hold together, but when they arrived at jugduluk, thirty-five miles distant from cabul, only 300 out of 16,500 persons who left that city remained alive. at this place a halt was ordered, and through the interference of akbar khan the miserable remnant were permitted to occupy a ruined enclosure, where, worn out by fatigue and utterly helpless, they lay down to rest in the snow. general elphinstone was detained a prisoner by akbar khan in a small fort, whence he dispatched a note to brigadier anketell, advising him to march that night, as there was treachery afoot. the wearied band, aroused from their slumbers, accordingly moved on in the dark; but their departure was noticed, they were attacked in the rear, they broke into disorder, threatened to shoot their officers, separated in small parties, and thus, scattered and confused, they were cut down almost to a man. of the officers, however, a considerable number escaped on horseback; but they, too, were attacked wherever they appeared, until only one gentleman, dr. brydon, survived to tell the dreadful story, reaching jelalabad on the 13th of january. it afterwards came out, however, that several other officers were detained in captivity.

lord auckland was then governor-general of india, but the period of his tenure of office was drawing to a close. he hoped it would end brightly, that the war for the restoration of an imbecile and puppet king would have ended triumphantly, and that he would return to his native land bearing something of the reflected glory of the conquerors of afghanistan. he had been cheered by the despatches of the too sanguine envoy in the month of october, who spoke only of the continued tranquillity of cabul. november passed, however, without any intelligence, and all was anxiety and painful suspense. intelligence at last came confirming the worst anticipations. calcutta was astounded at the news that afghanistan, believed to be prosperous and grateful for british intervention, was in arms against its deliverers. suddenly the tranquillity of that doomed country was found to be a delusion. "across the whole length and breadth of the land the history of that gigantic lie was written in characters of blood." confounded and paralysed by the tidings of so great a failure, which he had not energy to retrieve, he thought only of abandoning the vicious policy of aggression that had ended so miserably, and given such a terrible blow to the prestige of british power in india, on which our dominion in the east so much depended. he had owed his appointment to the whigs; and the conservatives, who were now in office, had opposed the policy of the government regarding the afghan war. but no one seemed more sick of the policy of aggression than the governor-general himself. he became thoroughly convinced of the folly of placing a detached force in a distant city which could be reached only through dangerous defiles occupied by an ever-watchful enemy, depending for supplies upon uncertain allies, and without any basis of operations. the expedition had proved enormously expensive, and had drained the indian treasury of funds that should have been employed in developing the resources of our indian possessions. when all this had ended in disastrous failure and national disgrace—when he recollected that the directors of the company, as well as the government, had expressed intense dissatisfaction at his policy, feeling conscious that their complaints were just, and that their worst forebodings had been realised, his spirit seems to have been completely broken; instead of any attempt at retrieving the[497] misfortunes of his government, he thought only of saving, if possible, what remained of the forces that he had sent across the indus. writing to the commander-in-chief, sir jaspar nicolls, who was then on a tour through the upper provinces of india, with reference to the sending forward of reinforcements, he said he did not see how the sending forward of a brigade could by any possibility have any influence on the events which it was supposed were then passing at cabul, which they could not reach before april. in his opinion they were not to think of marching fresh armies to the reconquest of that which they were likely to lose. he feared that safety to the force at cabul could only come from itself. the commander-in-chief himself had been always of opinion that the renewed efforts of the government to support shah sujah on his throne, and to establish a permanent influence in afghanistan, was a great mistake. however, owing to the energy of mr. george clarke, the governor-general's agent on the north-west frontier, and his assistant, captain, afterwards sir, henry lawrence, forces were dispatched from that quarter, under the command of general pollock, who had commanded the garrison of agra, having been in the indian service since 1803, and having distinguished himself under general lake. this appointment gave the greatest satisfaction, as it was believed that he was selected solely for his merit, and not through aristocratic influence. while he was preparing to advance, lord auckland was recalled, and lord ellenborough, the new governor-general, arrived at calcutta.

arrival of dr. brydon at jelalabad. (see p. 496.)

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meanwhile brigadier wild occupied a position of great difficulty at peshawur. he had four native infantry regiments, containing a large number of young soldiers, whom the mutinous sikhs had impressed with a great horror of the khyber pass. the only cavalry he had was a troop of irregular horse, and the only guns, four pieces of sikh artillery. besides, the owners of the camels, which had been hired at ferozepore to proceed as far as jelalabad, refused to advance farther than peshawur. it was in these circumstances that sale and m'gregor earnestly urged the advance of the brigade for the relief of that place. the fortress of ali musjid, regarded as the key to the khyber pass, is situated about[498] twenty-five miles from peshawur: and as it lay between the two positions of sale and wild, it was of the utmost importance that it should be occupied. it was accordingly resolved that one-half of wild's brigade should be dispatched for this service. on the 15th of january colonel moseley, with the 53rd and 64th sepoy regiments, started under cover of the night, and reached their destination early in the morning. the fortress was about five miles up the pass. soon after they had taken up their position they discovered to their dismay that owing to some mistake, instead of 350 supply bullocks, which had been ordered, only fifty or sixty had arrived. here, then, were two regiments shut up in an isolated fortress without provisions. day after day passed and no succour came. wild made an effort to send forward supplies, but the attempt was a disastrous failure. the sikh auxiliaries mutinied to a man, and refused to enter the pass. there being no prospect of relief, colonel moseley determined to evacuate the fortress. captain burt and captain thomas offered to remain and keep possession of so important a position, if only 150 men would volunteer for the service. but none were found willing to undertake the perilous duty, and so ali musjid was abandoned and suffered to fall into the hands of the afreedis. the brigade had some fighting on its way back. some of its officers were killed, some wounded and sick were abandoned, and some baggage was lost.

on the 5th of february general pollock reached peshawur, and found the troops under brigadier wild for the most part sick and disorganised. his first care was to restore the morale of the troops. even the officers had yielded to an unworthy panic. some of them openly declared against another attempt to force the khyber pass, and one said he would do his best to dissuade every sepoy of his corps from entering it again. owing to this state of things, pollock was compelled to remain inactive through the months of february and march, though the eyes of all india were turned upon him, and the most urgent letters reached him from sale and m'gregor to hasten to their relief. but the general was resolved not to risk another failure, and his duty was to wait patiently till the health, spirits, and discipline of the troops were restored, and until fresh regiments arrived.

no wonder that pressing entreaties for succour came from jelalabad. the garrison had exerted themselves with the utmost diligence to fortify the place, which they expected soon to be invested by hosts of afghans, flushed with victory and thirsting for blood and plunder. the camp-followers were organised to assist in manning the walls, and foraging parties were sent out with good effect, while there was yet time to get in provisions. in the meanwhile sale received a letter from the shah, demanding what were his intentions, as his people had concluded a treaty with the afghans, consenting to leave the country. there was an army preparing for their expulsion, and there were many of their countrymen and countrywomen hostages in the hands of a fanatical and vindictive enemy, while there was little prospect of any immediate relief from the indian government. there was even a feeling that they had been abandoned by the government at calcutta, which did not wish to maintain the supremacy of the british arms in afghanistan. a council of war was called on the 26th of january; a stormy debate ensued; the majority were for coming to terms with the enemy and withdrawing from the country, for which purpose the draft of a letter in reply to the shah was prepared. for two days its terms were debated, the proposition to surrender being vehemently resisted by an officer named broadfoot, who declared it impossible that the government should leave them to their fate, and do nothing to restore the national reputation, especially as a new governor-general was coming out, doubtless with new counsels, and the duke of wellington, now in power, would never sanction so inglorious a policy. he was overruled, however, by the majority, and the letter was sent to the shah. an answer came demanding that they should put their seals to the document. another council was held; colonel broadfoot renewed his remonstrances; he was joined by colonel dennie, captain abbott, and colonel monteith. an answer was sent which left the garrison free to act as circumstances might direct. next day tidings came from peshawar, that large reinforcements were moving up through the punjab, and that all possible efforts were to be made for their relief. there was no more talk of negotiation; every one felt that it was his duty to hold out to the last.

the place had been fortified so well as to be able to defy any attack that could be made upon it without artillery. colonel broadfoot had insisted on bringing an ample supply of working tools, which were found to be of the greatest advantage. in the official report of general sale, written by havelock, there is a description of the works that had been executed, and the immense[499] labour that had been undertaken to clear away everything that could serve as a cover for the enemy. they demolished forts and old walls, filled up ravines, destroyed gardens, and cut down groves; they raised the parapets six or seven feet high, repaired and widened the ramparts, extended the bastions, re-trenched three of the gates, covered the fortress with an outwork, and excavated a ditch, ten feet deep and twelve wide, round the whole of the walls. the enemy soon approached, under the command of akbar khan; the white tents, which the british were obliged to abandon, appearing in the distance. but the garrison were full of confidence, proudly rejoicing in the work of their hands, and feeling that they were perfectly safe behind the defences which they had raised with so much labour. in a short time, however, they had an astounding illustration of the vanity of all confidence in human strength, showing that, in a moment, it can be turned into weakness.

on the 19th of february the men heard an awful and mysterious sound, as if of thunder, beneath their feet. they instantly rushed to their arms, and thus many lives were saved. a tremendous earthquake shook down all the parapets built up with so much labour, injured several of the bastions, cast to the ground all the guard-houses, made a considerable breach in the rampart of a curtain in the peshawur face, and reduced the cabul gate to a shapeless mass of ruins. in addition to this sudden destruction of the fortifications—the labour of three months—one-third of the town was demolished. the report states that, within the space of one month, the city was thrown into alarm by the repetition of full 100 shocks of this phenomenon of nature. still, the garrison did not lose heart or hope. with indomitable energy, they set to work immediately to repair the damage. the shocks had scarcely ceased when the whole garrison was told off into working parties, and before night the breaches were scalped, the rubbish below was cleared away, and the ditches before them were dug out. from the following day all the troops off duty were continually at work, and so well sustained were their energy and perseverance, that by the end of the month the parapets were entirely restored, or the curtain was filled in, where restoration was impracticable, and every battery re-established. the breaches were built up with the rampart doubled in thickness, and the whole of the gates re-trenched. so marvellously rapid was the work of restoration that akbar khan declared that the earthquake must have been the effect of english witchcraft, as jelalabad was the only place that escaped.

at length general pollock found himself in a position to advance for the relief of the garrison, and marched his force to jumrood. on the 4th of april he issued orders for the guidance of his officers. the army started at twilight, without sound of bugle or beat of drum. the heights on each side of the khyber pass were covered with the enemy, but so completely were they taken by surprise that our flankers had achieved a considerable ascent before the khyberese were aware of their approach. the enemy had thrown across the mouth of the pass a formidable barrier, composed of large stones, mud, and heavy branches of trees. in the meantime the light infantry were stealing round the hills, climbing up precipitous cliffs, and getting possession of commanding peaks, from which they poured down a destructive fire upon the khyberese, who were confounded by the unexpected nature of the attack. the confidence which arose from their intimate knowledge of the nature of the ground now forsook them, and they were seen in their white dresses flying in every direction across the hills. the centre column, which had quietly awaited the result of the outflanking movements by the brave and active light infantry, now moved on, determined to enter the pass, at the mouth of which a large number of the enemy had been posted; but finding themselves outflanked, these gradually retreated. the way was cleared, and the long train of baggage, containing ammunition and provisions for the relief of jelalabad, entered the formidable defile. the heat being intense, the troops suffered greatly from thirst; but the sepoys behaved admirably, were in excellent spirits, and had a thorough contempt for the enemy. it was now discovered that their mutinous spirit arose from the conviction that they had been sacrificed by bad generalship. ali musjid, from which the british garrison had made such a disastrous and ignominious retreat, was soon triumphantly reoccupied. leaving a sikh force to occupy the pass, general pollock pushed on to jelalabad. writing to a friend, he said, "we found the fort strong, the garrison healthy, and, except for wine and beer, better off than we are. they were, of course, delighted to see us; we gave three cheers as we passed the colours, and the band of each regiment played as it came up. it was a sight worth seeing; all appeared happy. the band of the 13th had gone out to play them in, and the relieving force marched the last few miles to the tune, 'oh, but you've been long a-coming!'"

[500]

but they were not then in the position of a beleaguered garrison. before relief came, they had won a victory that covered them with glory. the troops had been in the highest pluck, and never seemed so happy as when they could encounter any portion of the enemy. in this state of feeling an idea began to take possession of the officers that they were able to capture mahomed akbar's camp. a false report had come to the sirdar, that general pollock had been beaten back with great slaughter in the khyber pass; and in honour of this event his guns fired a royal salute. a rumour also reached the garrison that there had been a revolution at cabul, and that the enemy was obliged to break up his camp and hasten back to the capital. whether either or both these reports should prove true, the time seemed to have come for general sale to strike a blow. a council of war was held; the general would have shrunk from the responsibility of an attack upon the camp; but he was dissuaded by havelock. akbar khan, at the head of 6,000 men, was aware of their approach and ready to receive them. on issuing from the gate, general sale had ordered colonel dennie forward, to attack a small fort, from which the enemy had often molested the garrison. the colonel, at the head of the brave 13th, rushed to the fort; but having entered the outer wall, they found themselves exposed to a murderous fire from the defences of the inner keep. there colonel dennie received a mortal wound, a ball passing through his sword-belt. sale now gave orders for a general attack on the enemy's camp, and in his despatch he thus describes the result:—"the artillery advanced at a gallop, and directed a heavy fire upon the afghan centre, whilst two of the columns of infantry penetrated the line near the same point, and the third forced back its left from its support on the river, into the stream of which some of his horse and foot were driven. the afghans made repeated attempts to check our advance by a smart fire of musketry, by throwing forward heavy bodies of horse, which twice threatened the detachments of foot under captain havelock, and by opening upon us three guns from a battery screened by a garden wall, and said to have been served under the personal superintendence of the sirdar. but in a short time they were dislodged from every point of their position, their cannon taken, and their camp involved in a general conflagration. the battle was over, and the enemy in full retreat, by about seven a.m. we have made ourselves masters of two cavalry standards, re-captured four guns lost by the cabul and gundamuk forces—the restoration of which to our government is matter of much honest exultation among the troops—seized and destroyed a great quantity of material and ordnance stores, and burnt the whole of the enemy's tents. in short, the defeat of mahomed akbar, in open field, by the troops whom he had boasted of blockading, has been complete and signal. the field of battle was strewed with the bodies of men and horses, and the richness of the trappings of some of the latter seemed to attest that persons of distinction were among the fallen. the loss on our side was remarkably small—seven privates killed, and three officers and fifty men wounded."

great was the joy inspired by these successes. the new governor-general, lord ellenborough, issued a proclamation, in which he stated that he felt assured every subject of the british government would peruse with the deepest interest and satisfaction the report of the entire defeat of the afghan troops, under the command of mahomed akbar khan, by the garrison of jelalabad. these feelings of joy and satisfaction were shared by the home government. on the 20th of february, 1843, the duke of wellington, in the house of lords, moved a vote of thanks to sir george pollock, sir william nott, sir john m'caskill, major-general england, and the other officers of the army, both european and native, for the intrepidity, skill, and perseverance displayed by them in the military operations in afghanistan, and for their indefatigable zeal and exertions throughout the late campaign. lord auckland seconded the motion, which was carried without opposition. sir robert peel brought forward a similar motion in the house of commons on the same day, following the example of the duke in giving a succinct narrative of the events of the war, and warmly eulogising, amidst the cheers of the house, the officers who had most distinguished themselves. the resolution passed without opposition, mr. hume having withdrawn an amendment which he had proposed.

[501]

rescue of the british prisoners from akbar khan. (see p. 503.)

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[502]

it would be useless to encumber these pages with a detailed narrative of the desultory conflicts that occurred at candahar, where general nott commanded, amidst the greatest difficulties, until general england came to his relief on the 10th of may; or at khelat-i-ghilzai, a post entrusted to captain lawrence; or in the country about ghuznee, the garrison of which, commanded by captain palmer, was compelled to surrender for want of water. he was an officer in general nott's division, and by his brother officers the fall of the place was regarded as more disgraceful than the loss of cabul. at length generals pollock and nott were enabled to overawe the afghans. they were now at the head of two forces in excellent health and spirits, eager to advance on cabul and avenge the national honour of great britain, which had been so grievously insulted. but lord ellenborough had come to the resolution that it was no longer necessary to imperil the armies of great britain, and with the armies the indian empire, by occupying afghanistan. all that was now required to be done rested solely upon military considerations, and especially upon regard to the safety of the detached bodies of our troops at jelalabad, at ghuznee, at khelat-i-ghilzai, and candahar. he was, therefore, feverishly anxious that the troops should retire at the earliest possible moment, and sent orders to that effect to pollock at jelalabad and to nott at candahar.

there was one object, however, to be gained which was deeply interesting to every true briton in india as well as to the public at home, without which no victories however glorious, and no infliction of punishment however terrible, upon the enemy, would have been considered satisfactory—namely, the deliverance of the captives that were still held as hostages by akbar khan. on this subject the two generals, pollock and nott, held a consultation. nott declared that the government had thrown the prisoners overboard, and protested against taking any measures for their recovery. but pollock was determined that the effort should be made, and took upon himself the responsibility of telling nott to ignore his orders. ellenborough, half-persuaded, sanctioned pollock's remaining at jelalabad until october, but commanded nott to retire either by quetta or cabul. nott and pollock, however, disregarded these absurd orders, and the advance was continued. the duty of rescuing the prisoners was undertaken by sale, whose own heroic wife was among them. he started in pursuit, taking with him a brigade from the army at jelalabad. the captives had been hurried on towards the inhospitable regions of the indian caucasus, not suffered to sleep at night, and were stared at as objects of curiosity by the inhabitants of the villages through which they passed. they reached their destination, maimene, on the 3rd of september, and there, in a short time, before sale's brigade arrived, they had providentially effected their own ransom. the commander of their escort was saleh mahomed, a soldier of fortune, who had been at one time a soubahdar in captain hopkins's regiment of infantry, and had deserted with his men to dost mahomed. between this man and captain johnson an intimacy sprang up, which the latter turned to account by throwing out hints that saleh mahomed would be amply rewarded, if, instead of carrying off his prisoners, he would conduct them in safety to the british camp. days passed away without anything being done, till after their arrival at maimene, when, on the 11th of september, saleh mahomed sent for johnson, pottinger, and lawrence, and in a private room which had been appropriated to lady sale, he produced a letter which he had just received from akbar khan, directing him to convey the prisoners to a more distant prison-house. this seemed to be a sentence of hopeless captivity, but the officers' minds were soon relieved by another piece of intelligence—namely, a message from general pollock that if saleh mahomed released the prisoners he should receive a present of 20,000 rupees, and a life pension of 1,000 rupees a month. saleh said to them, "i know nothing of general pollock, but if you three gentlemen will swear by your saviour to make good to me what synd moortega shah states that he is authorised to offer, i will deliver you over to your own people." the offer was gladly accepted; and an agreement was drawn up, in pursuance of which saleh mahomed and his european allies proclaimed their revolt to the people of maimene and the surrounding country. they deposed the governor of the place, and appointed a more friendly chief in his stead. they supplied themselves with funds by seizing upon the property of a party of merchants who were passing that way. major pottinger assumed the functions of government, and issued proclamations, and called upon the chiefs to come in and make their salaam. but they might come for a different purpose, and hence they began to fortify themselves, and prepare for a very vigorous defence. while thus employed, a horseman was seen rapidly approaching from the cabul side of the valley, who proved to be the bearer of glad tidings. the jugduluk pass had been forced; akbar khan had been defeated by general pollock at tizeen, and had fled, no one knew whither. this was delightful news indeed. the power of the oppressor was now broken, and the captives were free. early next morning they started for cabul, sleeping the first night upon stony beds under the clear moonlight; they were awakened by the arrival of a friendly[503] chief, who brought a letter from sir richmond shakespear, stating that he was on his way to maimene with a party of horse. on the 17th of september shakespear, with his cavalry, came up. pushing on again, they were met by a large body of british cavalry and infantry, under the command of sir robert sale. "in a little time the happy veteran had embraced his wife and daughter; and the men of the 13th had offered their delighted congratulations to the loved ones of their old commander. a royal salute was fired. the prisoners were safe in sale's camp. the good providence that had so long watched over the prisoners and the captives now crowned its mercies by delivering them into the hands of their friends. dressed as they were in afghan costume, their faces bronzed by much exposure, and rugged with beards and moustachios of many months' growth, it was not easy to recognise the liberated officers, who now came forward to receive the congratulations of their friends."

the safety of the prisoners diffused universal joy throughout the camps of the two generals; but there was one thing necessary, in their opinion, in which the government concurred, in order to give the crowning proof of our complete triumph, and to restore the unquestionable supremacy of our power, and compel the respect and fidelity of the neighbouring provinces. this was the signal punishment of cabul for the atrocities that had been perpetrated there. the hostile chiefs were now as eager to conciliate, as submissive in their tone as they had been cruel and arrogant. even akbar khan professed the greatest friendship for the british, and repudiated the acts that had been done in his name, at the same time restoring to his friends captain bygrave, the last prisoner he had in his possession. the afghans had a maiden fortress in the town of istalif, which is built upon two ridges of the spur of hindoo koosh, which forms the western boundary of the beautiful valley of kohistan. there, in its fortified streets and squares, as in a safe asylum, they had collected their treasures and their women. the sagacious havelock suggested that the capture of this place, believed to be impregnable, would be a great stroke of policy. general m'caskill, therefore, made a rapid march upon it, and after a desperate struggle, in which havelock greatly distinguished himself, the place was stormed in gallant style, the afghans in every direction giving way before our attacking columns.

the fate of cabul was now to be decided. some mark of just retribution should be left upon it, and general pollock determined to destroy the great bazaar, where the mangled remains of our murdered envoy had been exposed to the insults of the inhabitants. the buildings were therefore blown up with gunpowder, the design being to allow the work of destruction to extend no further. but it was impossible to restrain the troops. "the cry went forth that cabul was given up to plunder. both camps," wrote major rawlinson, "rushed into the city, and the consequence has been the almost total destruction of most parts of the town, except the gholom khana quarter and the bala hissar. numbers of people—about 4,000 or 5,000—had returned to cabul, relying on our promises of protection, rendered confident by the comparative immunity they had enjoyed during the early part of our sojourn here, and by the appearance ostentatiously put forth of an afghan government. they had many of them re-opened their shops. these people have been now reduced to utter ruin; their goods have been plundered, and the houses burnt over their heads. the hindoos in particular, whose numbers amount to some 500 families, have lost everything they possessed, and they will have to beg their way to india in the rear of our columns." meanwhile general nott had retaken ghuznee.

having thus accomplished their mission, the two armies returned in triumph to india. lord ellenborough was delighted, though he only thwarted his generals. he was now at simla, in the very house whence his predecessor had issued his proclamation for the restoration of shah sujah, which had been the cause of all our disasters. on the 1st of october, the anniversary of the day when, two years before, he had reversed the policy of lord auckland, he issued a proclamation from the same room. it is a well-written state paper, ably reviewing the situation of indian affairs and clearly announcing the future policy of our indian government. it is historically important, and deserves to be permanently recorded in the history of england:—"the government of india directed its army to pass the indus, in order to expel from afghanistan a chief believed to be hostile to british interests, and to replace upon his throne a sovereign represented to be friendly to those interests and popular with his former subjects. the chief believed to be hostile became a prisoner, and the sovereign represented to be popular was replaced upon his throne; but after events which brought into question his fidelity to the government by which he was restored, he lost by the hands of an assassin the throne he had only held[504] amidst insurrections, and his death was preceded and followed by still existing anarchy.[4] disasters unparalleled in their extent, unless by the errors in which they originated, and by the treachery by which they were completed, have in one short campaign been avenged upon every scene of past misfortune; and repeated victories in the field, and the capture of the cities and citadels of ghuznee and cabul, have again attached the opinion of invincibility to the british arms. the british armies in possession of afghanistan will now be withdrawn to the sutlej. the governor-general will leave it to the afghans themselves to create a government, amidst the anarchy which is the consequence of their crimes. to force the sovereign upon a reluctant people would be as inconsistent with the policy as it is with the principles of the british government, tending to place the arms and resources of that people at the disposal of the first invader, and to impose the burden of supporting a sovereign without the prospect of benefit from his alliance. the governor-general will willingly recognise any government approved by the afghans themselves, which shall appear desirous and capable of maintaining friendly relations with neighbouring states. content with the limits nature appears to have assigned to its empire, the government of india will devote all its efforts to the establishment and maintenance of general peace, to the protection of the sovereigns and chiefs, its allies, and to the prosperity and happiness of its own faithful subjects."

had lord ellenborough rested satisfied with this proclamation, all would have been well; but he issued another proclamation which at once shocked the religious feelings of the people of england by its profanity, and covered him with ridicule by its absurdity. he meant it to be a great stroke of policy; but it was simply a foolish and gratuitous concession to an idolatrous priesthood, while it exasperated the pride and fanaticism of the mahometans. this was the celebrated somnath proclamation. its authenticity was at first gravely doubted in india, but when, at length, it was placed beyond doubt, there was an outburst of censure and ridicule such as never before overwhelmed a governor-general of india. "my brothers and my friends," it ran, "our victorious army bears the gates of the temple of somnath in triumph from afghanistan, and the despoiled tomb of sultan mahomed looks upon the ruins of ghuznee. the insult of 800 years is at last avenged. the gates of the temple of somnath, so long the memorial of your humiliation, are become the proudest record of your national glory, the proof of your superiority in arms over the nations beyond the indus. to you, princes and chiefs of sirhind, of rajwarra, of malwa, and of guzerat, i shall commit this glorious trophy of successful war. you will yourselves, with all honour, transmit the gates of sandal wood through your respective territories to the restored temple of somnath." one might have supposed that the princes, chiefs, and people of india thus addressed by the supreme representative of a christian nation were all pure hindoos; and that the temple from which the gates had been carried away, 800 years before, was still in their possession; whereas it was in ruins, and the sacred ground on which it stood was trodden by mahometans. even if the temple had been standing and occupied by the ancient idols, the hindoo priests would have regarded the gates as polluted by being so long in the possession of unbelievers. viewed as the reversal of a national humiliation the act was equally absurd. it could be no gratification to a subjugated race to have restored to them by a foreign power a trophy that had been carried away 800 years before. worst of all, the gates were discovered to be spurious copies of the originals. the temple of somnath was never restored, and the gates were consigned to an armoury.