the great question that was ever disturbing peace in argentina was the fight between the federalists, those who favoured a centralized power, and the unitarians, who wanted the provinces to remain supreme. it was similar to the problem of states’ rights as against a strong union, which was not settled in the united states until a disastrous civil war had been waged between the two factions. the question first arose under rivadavia, who allowed it to drift along. it did drift, and became more formidable each year until it became the pivot around which all struggles centred, and was the primary cause of forty years of strife and much bloodshed. the province of buenos aires was always a strong adherent of the unitarian idea, for that meant its continued supremacy by reason of its overshadowing strength. for that reason the other provinces rejected it. as the city of buenos aires enlarged,[330] the question became more and more formidable. the mooted theme caused rivadavia to resign his office; it made possible the disastrous dictatorship of rosas; it hampered presidents urquiza and mitre in the reforms attempted by them. it was not until buenos aires was forcibly organized into a federal district that this cause of perpetual friction disappeared.
argentina felt a sense of relief upon the downfall of rosas, and once more the people breathed freely. the supreme power naturally fell into the hands of the victorious general urquiza. the provinces had suffered most severely during the long period of civil wars. in rioja the government had been overthrown fifteen times in seven months. some of them were isolated, others had been badly devastated, but all of them were poor. buenos aires alone had increased in wealth and population. hundreds of liberals had left the city or been exiled, but thousands had sought that city as a refuge from the disorders of the interior. many english and irish had settled in that province and engaged in the raising of sheep and cattle. the city alone contained one-fourth of the entire population of the confederation,[331] and the rest of the province had increased more rapidly than any of the others. although military rule was ended with the change in government, the real subject of dispute was far from being solved.
as soon as he was named provisional executive general urquiza adopted measures looking to the adoption of a constitution. the governors of the various provinces met and it was agreed to call a congress in which each province should have an equal vote. buenos aires alone protested, and to avoid the predominance of that province the session was called to meet in santa fé. the legislature of buenos aires refused to assent to this arrangement. the city rose in revolt and sent an army to attack santa fé, while the congress was holding its sessions. by this action buenos aires practically declared her independence of the other provinces, but never asked recognition of foreign governments as an independent state. although the rest of the confederation never took any steps to force a union, they knew that it would never do to permit buenos aires to remain independent with its control of the la plata and its tributaries, which furnished the only natural communication with the interior. it was the[332] pacific policy of urquiza alone that prevented more serious trouble at this time. he refused to become another rosas.
on the 1st of may, 1853, a constitution was adopted which was substantially copied after that of the united states, and this constitution, with few amendments, remains the fundamental law of argentina to-day. the paraná river was declared free to all the world, and the city of paraná was selected as the temporary capital, with the city of buenos aires as permanent capital when that province should join the union. general josé justo urquiza was elected the first constitutional president. under his rule the provinces greatly prospered. the connection of some of the border provinces was very slight at first, but they gradually began to see the benefits of a closer union. the relations between buenos aires and the confederation became so strained in 1859 that the former marched an army against urquiza. the president defeated them and, advancing upon the metropolis, compelled them to accept the constitution and join the confederation. this was about the last national service of president urquiza, as his term expired in 1860. for many years after that he remained governor of entre[333] rios, and his influence was paramount in that section between the paraná and uruguay rivers. during a revolt against his authority in 1870, the aged general and ex-president was cruelly assassinated in his own house by some followers of the opposing leader.
the successor of urquiza was dr. santiago derqui. trouble soon arose in the new government over the intervention of the federal government in the province of san juan, because of the assassination of the governor. his successor, who had been selected by the people, was captured by the government troops and shot. buenos aires protested at this summary execution, and the congress resented their protest by refusing admittance to its members. the forces of buenos aires under the command of general mitre defeated the federal army in the battle of pavon, and derqui was thus deposed after a brief rule, being compelled to flee from the country.
general bartolomé mitre, one of the most illustrious men of argentina, was born in the city of buenos aires, on the 26th of june, 1821. his early education was received in his home city, but later he was sent to montevideo. it was in this city that he imbibed revolutionary[334] doctrines, and took up arms in 1838, in one of the disturbances so numerous in that country. a few years later, when just of legal age, he joined an expedition against rosas, the dictator. the failure of this expedition caused mitre to return to montevideo and turn his fight against that usurper through the columns of the newspapers, a calling which he followed during a large part of his life. at the early age of twenty-three he headed another attack against the tyrant, and was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. disagreements with the authorities caused the young officer to leave montevideo, and he went to the province of corrientes, where he took part in several engagements against rosas. the failure of this enterprise caused him to flee to bolivia, where he spent a number of years in newspaper work and as teacher in the military college. his career also led him to peru and chile, in each of which countries he joined in the political struggles, always in behalf of public liberties and generally opposed to the existing governments. his conduct in those countries led him to a number of persecutions, so that he fled from one country to another, generally being received by the people as the champion of modern[335] political ideas. he returned again to montevideo, where he united with urquiza, who was at that time a leader of the movement toward liberty from political dictators. he soon separated from that leader, however, becoming an active opponent of his, and to that end founded a newspaper in that city, called los debates.
in the revolution of 1852, mitre entered the service of the national guard, and this movement being successful he was appointed to a cabinet position, the first political office he had held in his own country. this government did not last long, and mitre was soon found in the military service again. for a while he edited el nacional, and took a part in the forming of a new constitution. for a number of years his time was alternated between military service, literary work, editorial services and political office. in 1860 he was elected governor of the province of buenos aires, and in 1862, by the victory of pavon, general mitre succeeded to the presidency of the republic. the accession of this high-minded patriot ended the period of uncertainty in argentina. although he reached his high position as the representative of victorious buenos aires, he immediately set himself to work to remodel and strengthen the[336] federation, a task for which he had long prepared himself. buenos aires became the seat of government once more. the autonomy of the provinces was not interfered with, but power and population naturally gravitated toward that city. from that time the tendency has constantly been toward strengthening the bonds of cohesion. president mitre also sought to work out a more democratic form of government, as preventative of the uprisings which were so numerous and distracting. this work, however, was seriously interrupted by the paraguayan war, in which he acted as commander-general of the allied forces from 1865 to 1868. the aggressive and ambitious policy of general lopez, the dictator of that country, united brazil, uruguay and argentina in an attempt to throttle his pretensions. it was only accomplished after a bloody war of several years, and the killing or disabling of almost every man in paraguay capable of bearing arms. in 1868 president mitre’s term of office ended, and he was presented by the people with a fine home in the capital. after his retirement he served as senator for that province, in which he did good service for his country. he did effective work as editor of la nacion, a journal which he[337] owned, and through which he propounded his political ideas. at last ripe in years, full of honours and with the universal appreciation of his fellow countrymen he departed from this life in 1906.
during the term of president mitre argentina made great strides in material prosperity and industrial development. the paraguayan war furnished a splendid market for the produce of the country, for the expense of the war was mostly borne by brazil. when the election was held in that year dr. domingo faustino sarmiento, a native of the province of san juan, was chosen. this election was held without interference from any source and the candidate himself was in washington as his country’s representative at that time. it was a wise selection, for even the jealous porte?os could find little fault with the policy and attitude of the new president. his most bitter opponents were compelled to admit that upright dealing and a desire to promote the best interests of argentina characterized his administration. he is best remembered for the work done in behalf of education, and for that reason has been referred to as the “school-teacher president.” he was a great admirer of president lincoln[338] and wrote a biography in spanish of our martyred president. one of his books closes with these words: “without instruction liberty is impossible;” and these words seem to have been the expression of his creed. comparative peace reigned, and prosperity again made strides in spite of the weight of the heavy debt incurred by the paraguayan war. an epidemic of yellow fever at this time is also memorable, as it is said to have caused the death of twenty-four thousand persons in buenos aires within six months. notwithstanding all these hindrances to prosperity, the termination of president sarmiento’s term in 1874 found great advances made in the republic. education had progressed, railways had been extended, and the administration of justice had been improved. immigration on a large scale had been turned toward argentina. perhaps the greatest criticism that can be offered is that his administration was practically the beginning of the policy of national and commercial extravagance which finally ended in financial disaster. sarmiento died in 1888, at the age of seventy-seven.
the question of a successor to sarmiento again aroused the old jealousies. at that time[339] argentina was a loosely-joined organization of fourteen states, each enjoying sovereign rights and each jealous of the national government. both mitre and sarmiento had endeavoured to unite the provinces more closely, but with little effect. the difficulty of communication was perhaps detrimental to consolidation. sarmiento absolutely refused to be drawn into the controversy or take any part in the selection of his successor. the provincials, however, won again when dr. nicolás avellaneda, a native of tucuman, was chosen. this election almost resulted in a serious revolution. after his inauguration, and in order to intimidate the porte?os, the president made an ostentatious parade of military strength. a meeting of prominent citizens was held, and a discussion as to the best means of combating the president followed. it was decided to found the tiro nacional, an organization ostensibly formed for rifle shooting, but in reality a volunteer military organization. the enthusiasm of the young men for this organization was unbounded, and every sunday thousands attended the parade grounds to receive instruction. it was not long until the tiro nacional aroused the suspicion of the president and his advisors.[340] general mitre and other officers in the army, who were active in the tiro, were summoned and told that their further connection with that organization would subject them to the charge of treason. as an answer to this they immediately resigned their commissions. conflicts between national troops and members of the tiro were narrowly averted in several instances. a compromise was finally effected which temporarily averted hostilities, as public attention was again centred upon a successor.
typical wagons of the pampas
general bartolomé mitre might have been chosen again, but he refused to become a candidate. there was no lack of willing candidates, however, but it brought to the front one of the strongest men that argentina has yet known, general julio roca. general roca, like his predecessor, was a native of tucuman. he had distinguished himself in campaigns against turbulent indians, and also in command of troops in several revolutionary outbreaks. he had shown great skill and tact in organization. one of his campaigns had opened up the vast region of patagonia to civilization. as a result of his victory, this land, which had hitherto been considered as a barren waste, was added to the national domain and given territorial[341] government in order to avoid state jealousies. this caused general roca to be called a national benefactor by his friends. foreseeing that a call to arms would come sooner or later general roca applied himself to strengthening the army, while his followers fought his political battles. for the first time the nationalists openly and strenuously advocated the confiscation of the city of buenos aires as the federal capital. to this roca gave his adherence, and he became the candidate of the powerful cordoba “league,” which was a political organization of unusual strength.
each side now began to prepare for the impending conflict, although for months these strained relations continued. the porte?os were hampered by a lack of arms and ammunition. in june, 1880, an open rupture occurred in the capital between the presidential escort and a group of citizens. the incident was reported as an attempt upon the life of president avellaneda. the president fled the city and joined the main body of federal troops a few miles out. general roca commanded these troops, which numbered about eight thousand, and some gunboats. the city was unfortified, but the porte?os began to throw up entrenchments[342] and had about fifteen thousand men under arms. these troops, however, lacked military training, while the government forces had seen service in several minor campaigns. wrangling, vacillation and jealousy all weakened the power of the porte?os. each side delayed the conflict which all felt to be inevitable. there were minor skirmishes, but it was not until july that a serious encounter took place, on the 20th of that month. roca decided to make an attack and placed his forces accordingly. several points of assault were arranged. the battle began very early on the morning of that date with picket skirmishing. the defence stubbornly resisted the advance and made a valorous fight. the losses on both sides were severe; especially was this true of the porte?os, who also began to be distressed because of lack of ammunition. they had no reserve stores on which to fall back. on the second day the fighting was renewed with odds in favour of the government. the national troops finally forced their way over the barracas bridge into the city. the total casualties had been not less than five thousand, with the greatest loss among the city’s defenders. both sides rested for a day, the 22nd. an armistice was declared and[343] negotiations opened. the national government, knowing the lack of ammunition, imposed onerous conditions. participators in the revolt, however, were not to be punished, but should be denied official employment. when congress met a few months later it ratified the election of general roca as president. the city of buenos aires was proclaimed a federal district and the national capital. thus the principal cause of friction between the provinces was forcibly removed. this was practically the last step in the process of consolidation which had been going on. this great city is now one of the strongest ties binding together the different provinces, as each one has a sense of joint ownership in and pride of their beautiful capital.
centralization received a fresh impetus with the ascendency of president roca. the provinces, however, got more than they had bargained for. they had succeeded in humiliating the province of buenos aires, but a strong central government was not one of their desires. roca, hitherto an unknown political quantity, set himself to work to bring order out of chaos, and to develop a national spirit; to teach the people of all the provinces that first of all they[344] were argentinians. he surprised both his opponents and supporters; the first by his fairness, and the latter by the fact that they could not dictate to him. he did not act hastily but studied the situation. he had visited nearly every section of the country and knew the immense undeveloped resources of the country. to populate these lands and bring them under contribution to civilization was his great aim. within a year his power was absolute, but he began no repressive measures. he never allowed militarism to become obnoxious. as a result argentina entered upon an era of development and evolution that was simply marvellous. a reckless optimism ruled the country. railway extension on a broader scale began; immigration agencies were opened up in europe, government lands were sold at low rates. public works were inaugurated, on a scale hitherto unprecedented, new docks were built in buenos aires and adequate drainage undertaken. european money lenders offered money for any enterprise. the petty jealousies were restrained and foreign capital encouraged. with all the skill and diplomacy of a shrewd ruler a discontented element still remained, those who were “out.” in santa fé[345] and entre rios disturbances arose which were quickly quelled, and in buenos aires further trouble threatened. this latter was due to the national interference in elections. the vanity of the porte?os was somewhat appeased by the efforts they made to beautify la plata, their new capital, which was intended to rival the older city in magnificence and importance.
when the question of a successor became necessary roca declared he would maintain absolute neutrality. such a thing was almost unheard of in south america, and the people placed little credence in it. among the several candidates was his brother-in-law, miguel juarez celman. this man stood before the country in the guise of the official candidate. if roca did nothing to assist, he did nothing to hinder celman’s selection. when the election arrived there was practically no contest, and celman was chosen almost unanimously. at the election in march electors equal to twice the number of representatives in congress are elected, who meet on june 12th and choose a president and vice-president.
celman was an unfortunate choice. as governor of cordoba he had shown no administrative ability, nor later in congress. there was[346] little to recommend him and he had been chosen by the cordoba “clique,” because of his pliancy. the almost four years of his administration are memorable for reckless private and public borrowing. flattery and adulation turned the head of the new president. many thought that roca would be the power behind the throne, but events disproved that idea. with his head turned by the servility shown him, celman soon chafed at any restraint. he broke loose from all control, and even roca soon cooled. political adventurers began to fill the offices and an era of carpet-bagging followed. elections for senators and deputies were openly manipulated. bribery and corruption were everywhere apparent. concessions and monopolies were scattered broadcast. a healthy activity was followed by a mad rush of speculation. the provincial governments followed suit. the corruption of former days sunk into insignificance beside the orgy of this administration. banks of issue were established throughout the republic, whose notes were guaranteed by national bonds. the paper circulation was almost quadrupled and the premium on gold rose. as the banks were obliged to purchase bonds of the government, this gave it a ready supply of[347] money. soon this was squandered and the national government found itself obligated for one hundred and ninety-six million dollars on these guarantees.
the conservative element looked on this extravagance with dismay, and rumblings of discontent were heard throughout the republic, although many did not seem to have any apprehensions until the final crash came. the public continued to speculate on the scrip issued. meetings were held by these malcontents, but the discontented centres were too far apart. a central league was formed which was called the “union civica,” in which a number of notable names were included, men who were actuated by purely patriotic motives. this was in 1887, just a year after celman’s inauguration. meetings were held, and literature freely distributed calling upon the people to protect themselves against the dangers threatened by this administration. during the two years following its organization the union civica spread its propaganda extensively. the headquarters were maintained in buenos aires, but local clubs were formed in nearly every town and village throughout the country. adhesion was publicly given to the tenets of the union civica in many[348] provinces, for public feeling was greatly aroused.
in 1889 the beginning of the crisis came, and by the end of that year the organizers felt they could count on the moral support of the majority of the people. the government did not sleep during this time. meetings were broken up, newspapers were censored and editors threatened. terrorism, however, did not check the growth of the anti-administration feeling. the president’s action with the mortgage banks, which were practically forced to loan money on worthless securities to political favourites, was the last straw. celman, although aware of the tremendous opposition, relied upon the strength of his army. the foreign colonies protested, and their influence was strong as they owned all the public utilities. congress passed a resolution demanding his resignation. force did not avail with public sentiment so aroused. an uprising was finally advocated as the only recourse, although hitherto the union had acted within its constitutional rights. the army and navy were sounded and considerable encouragement was received. the date for the revolt was finally set for the 26th of july, 1890, and the plaza lavalle as the place. this plaza was[349] barricaded and a force of fifteen hundred armed men occupied it. the government troops rendezvoused on the plaza libertad, a few hundred yards away. sharpshooters were placed on the housetops to pick off the insurgents, but they were unable to dislodge them. some vessels of the fleet attempted to bombard the government buildings, but their shells fell wide of their mark. reinforcements of the government, as well as a shortage of ammunition, prevented the success of the revolutionary forces. an armistice was arranged and negotiations opened up for a settlement. the insurgents demanded forgiveness of themselves and the resignation of the president, and this was agreed to. his resignation caused scenes of the wildest excitement, and not until then was the real magnitude of the disaffection known. public holidays were observed for three days. in no quarter was a good word to be said for the defeated president or his administration, and he disappeared from view almost as completely as if the earth had engulfed him. in europe the keenest pleasure was shown, as the downfall of the president was looked upon as evidence that argentina would thereafter insist upon honesty in the conduct of its public officials.
[350]
dr. carlos pellegrini, the vice-president, succeeded to the office of chief magistrate. the new president had already acquired a somewhat varied experience in public affairs. the name signifies his italian descent, but his mother was an englishwoman of distinguished family, and he had thus inherited some sturdy anglo-saxon qualities. he had many friends, but there were skeptics also, because he had not protested against celman’s policy. no one doubted his ability. his first duty was to organize a cabinet that would conciliate the various factions, but that was no easy task. he succeeded in getting former-president roca to accept the portfolio of minister of the interior, and the other appointments were then easily and successfully filled. the new cabinet was a fortunate combination of the diverse political elements. every one seemed fairly well satisfied, except the cordoba “clique.”
an empty treasury and a legacy of debts of the celman administration soon made trouble for the new president and his cabinet. concessions which contained money guarantees had been scattered broadcast, and these obligations were being pressed. the congress still[351] contained the corrupt members who had been elected through the official influence of celman. things drifted from bad to worse, and the general inflation of public and commercial enterprises brought about an economic and financial crisis. the government had no funds with which to meet even the ordinary expenses, let alone the contractual obligations, and national bankruptcy was threatened. the resources had all been mortgaged. as a makeshift the president decided to issue inconvertible notes, and an issue of sixty millions was legalized. this gave temporary relief only and paved the way for greater complications in the future, as the currency rapidly depreciated. foreign creditors became pressing. the government finally defaulted in its obligations. the banco nacional failed, and the resources of all the banks were taxed to the uttermost. pellegrini, knowing that his tenure was only temporary, became discouraged, and no permanent solution was attempted by him. no human foresight could devise measures that would immediately bring prosperity, and the people were impatient. dr. pellegrini was obliged to wait until later years before his work was really appreciated. he served as national senator in after years,[352] and passed away in 1906, mourned by the nation.
a large following began to hail general bartolomé mitre as the only saviour, and he finally, but with reluctance, consented to be a candidate. another element wanted roca, but neither of these men aspired to the presidency. the two held a conference and decided that neither would be a candidate, if a non-party candidate would be selected. dr. luis saenz pe?a, who had been a judge of the supreme court for many years, was chosen as this candidate, and was elected practically without opposition, and with the active support of pellegrini, who imprisoned some of the opposition. saenz pe?a was sixty-eight years of age, and it was thought that his high character and broad experience of men and matters would be just the thing for the country. he had no part in the means taken to exile the opposition leaders and prevent a free election. in fact it is doubtful if he had any real desire for the position.
thus it was that on the 12th of october, 1892, dr. saenz pe?a took the oath of office as president, and dr. pellegrini retired almost unnoticed. this was the first instance where a president[353] had assumed the office of executive without a party behind him. president pe?a had no political following upon whom he could depend for support. his idea was to administer public affairs for the general good, without reference to political exigencies. unforeseen obstacles soon arose, for the senators and deputies were opportunists and looking for personal advantage. the first cabinet resigned after a few stormy months. his thirty years’ service on the bench had unfitted him to grasp political exigencies. he refused to use his official prerogatives to influence congress, although the latter constantly threw obstacles in his path. disturbances in several provinces because of local conditions stirred up the feeling of revolt and a revolution was narrowly averted. the opposition endeavoured to make it a general uprising but did not succeed. although saenz pe?a had allied himself with those opposed to roca, that general took the field against the revolutionists in rosario and santa fé and restored order, or at least a semblance of it. the president was determined to effect economies in national expenditures, but this was opposed by congress. the scene of contest was transferred to congress and the[354] press. when congress met in june, 1894, the relations between the two departments were strained very much. the president was too conscientious in his efforts to be free to initiate reforms to use his patronage in order to influence the legislators. congress did nothing from month to month and neglected to pass the necessary appropriation bills. taxes had been increased to pay the obligations of the government, so that the people were rebelling and war with chile began to seem imminent. congress refused to grant the request of the president for money and supplies. a ministerial crisis arose, and dr. pe?a found great difficulty in the formation of a new cabinet. the friction became more and more intense, until the president presented his resignation early in 1895, and the tension was relieved. he never again appeared in public life.
dr. josé uriburu, who succeeded to the presidency, had been in diplomatic positions for many years. he was also unacquainted with political methods, for he had spent much of his life in foreign countries. knowing that a repetition of the pe?a failure would bring disaster to the nation former-presidents roca and pellegrini decided to support uriburu with all[355] their resources. this assured the new president a working majority in congress. hardly had he assumed office before complications with chile over the boundary threatened almost immediate war. excitement became intense, and a large credit was voted by congress for defence. the question was finally submitted to arbitration and war averted. president cleveland also decided a dispute with brazil over the limitations of misiones adverse to argentina, but this award was quietly accepted by the government. a default in the subsidy of the railways also caused trouble. the president asked for fifty millions of dollars in bonds to compound with the companies, and this was finally authorized. the support of roca and pellegrini during the three years and nine months of uriburu’s term carried it safely through a trying period, and much was accomplished in restoring the finances to a better footing.
as the election of 1898 drew near public sentiment seemed to concentrate on former-president roca as the man to steer the ship of state, and he was elected practically without opposition. his former administration had been successful; he was at the head of the only[356] really national party in the republic; he seemed to have the qualities of a leader who could rally around him the discordant political elements into which argentina was divided. in october, 1898, dr. roca assumed office again, just eighteen years after he had first been placed in control of argentine affairs. during his second term the boundary question with chile was settled by w. j. buchanan, the united states minister, as arbitrator, although a rupture in the negotiations was narrowly averted on several occasions. president roca cleverly avoided the rupture, although it was at times difficult because of the excited state of public opinion. he scathingly rebuked the administration of justice in one of his messages to congress, and this led to reform and the dismissal of several judges. a meeting with president errazuiz of chile was arranged, and this took place at punta arenas. on the way the president visited several of the coast settlements in patagonia. hitherto these southern territories had been neglected, but this visit brought them prominently into notice. president roca also visited president campos salles, of brazil, and received a return visit from that official. no revolutionary disturbances[357] arose during this second term, but several of the provinces experienced trouble, and in buenos aires the national government was obliged to take charge of the provincial administration because of financial irresponsibility. many reforms in the finances of the country were accomplished. the value of the dollar rose to forty cents and the beginning of a gold reserve was made. dr. roca deserves great credit for the work of his administration, and he still lives to enjoy the confidence and good will of his fellow citizens.
at the meeting of the electoral college on the 12th of june, 1904, dr. manuel quintana was chosen president. several prominent men, including former-presidents pellegrini and uriburu, were candidates to succeed president roca, but a new man was selected. president quintana came of a distinguished family, and was a native of buenos aires. by profession he was a lawyer, and had been the legal advisor of many corporations, including several of the railways, so that his election was eminently satisfactory to the foreign interests. when elected he was sixty-eight years of age and had been active in politics for many years, but his record had been clear. the administration of president[358] quintana was marked by a steady advance in the financial standing of argentina. peace reigned, and there was only one slight revolution in february, 1905. at that time revolts broke out simultaneously at rosario, bahia blanca and mendoza among some government troops, but this disturbance was soon quelled. the greatest damage was inflicted in the last named city, where the revolutionists turned their cannon on the governor’s palace and almost reduced it to ruins. some encounters also took place in the streets of buenos aires. the revolution came to an abrupt end, however, after a few days, but not before a number had lost their lives. several of the conspirators were sentenced to short terms in prison, while a larger number escaped across the border into chile. this was a radical departure from the former custom of granting general amnesty to all who took part in revolutions against the government.
in 1906 president quintana died and the office fell to dr. josé figueroa alcorta, who had been elected with him as vice-president. president figueroa was only forty-four years of age at the time of his inauguration and in the very prime of life. he was a native of[359] cordoba, and had been a national senator from that state. he proved himself to be well fitted for the duties of that high office, and safely guided the destinies of the country without serious friction. he himself was a hard worker, and the executive could be found at work in his office early and late. he cared little for display or the social features of the position, and was a much more difficult man to meet than the average president of south america. this administration is too recent to generalize; but suffice it to say that both external and comparative internal peace reigned, and the development of the country and its resources steadily progressed.
in the campaign of 1910 there were two active candidates, dr. udaondo and dr. roque saenz pe?a, son of the former president of the same name. many meetings were held by the followers of the former, the billboards were plastered with statements and appeals to the voters, but there was not at any time a question as to who had the “call.” the official party was well organized and the log-rolling was quietly conducted. when the electors met the vote was almost unanimous for dr. saenz pe?a. the newly-elected president, who assumed office[360] on the 12th of october, entered upon a political career early in life. his first office was deputy in the state legislature of buenos aires. later he became minister of foreign affairs under president celman. following the fall of that man, and the scandals which were unearthed, he retired from public life for several years. since that time he has served in several diplomatic positions, and was a member of the pan-american conference held in washington. at the time of his election he was minister plenipotentiary to the governments of italy and switzerland. president saenz pe?a assumes his office with the good will of the foreign colony, and promises to give argentina a peaceful and progressive administration. his term of office will not expire until 1916.
