1. the right pertaining to citizenship, to vote for such officers as are elected by the people, is called suffrage. when that right is acquired with respect to one class of officers it always extends to the whole, from petty town or city officials, to high officers of the state and united states government—all, in short, who obtain office directly from the people.
2. the constitution defines who shall be regarded as citizens of the united states, and all such are declared by it to be also citizens of the state in which they reside. it declares “all persons, born, or naturalized in the united states, and subject to its jurisdiction” to be citizens. indian tribes are mostly regarded as foreign nations, and have such rights as treaties give them, but are not taxed and do not vote; therefore they are not regarded as citizens.
3. yet suffrage does not belong to all citizens. the special regulation of the voting prerogative was not assumed by the constitution, nor delegated to congress, and it is generally conceded that it belongs to the state governments. the regulations in the states are not uniform, but in no state do women or minors vote. this cuts off a large part of the citizens, nearly three-fourths belonging to these classes. minors are supposed, however, to be represented, as to their interests, by their guardians, and females by husbands or brothers. some of the states make minor restrictions as to length of residence in the state, and require a certain amount of property to constitute a voter, and in some naturalization is not required—so that the range of the right of suffrage varies within small limits, in different states. whatever rule is adopted by the states has been accepted as the basis of suffrage for that state by the general government, when members of congress and president and vice-president are voted for.
4. it seems to be a loose point in the regulations, otherwise so admirable, since it may work a considerable inequality[563] under given circumstances; and, in some cases, might change the policy of the government. it is a question worthy of consideration whether there should not be an amendment to the constitution establishing uniformity of suffrage in all the states. this point has caused much discussion in the state governments and various changes have been, from time to time, made in many of them. these have been, usually, in the direction of liberality—tending to enlarge the scope of suffrage. the property qualification, quite common in earlier times, is now rare. the fifteenth amendment, recently adopted, has largely increased the number of voters.
5. the experience of the republic, thus far, has been in favor of the doctrine that it is safe to trust the people with their own interests, and that the responsibilities of self-government, when they are laid on them under the favorable circumstances that exist among us, tend to improvement instead of disorganization. whether this will always be the case it may not be safe to assume, and a prudent regard to possibilities should not be neglected; but we should not forget that those who founded american liberty ran great risks of anarchy in the eyes of their contemporaries. we ought to be able safely to continue a policy of suffrage which they introduced with results so fortunate.
6. education needs to be encouraged, and this has always received much attention. it is probable that but for the very liberal provision made in this respect, the fate of our government would have been very different. many foreigners who had no early education, have been naturalized, and the colored people born in the country have been made citizens. if the remainder of the people had not been intelligent, it would no doubt have been extremely dangerous. it has led to some serious local interruptions of order and prosperity, but they have been, so far, temporary; and the general effect has been to awaken ambition for education; the children of new-made citizens have enjoyed the same facilities as others to acquire intelligence necessary to a citizen; and the right of suffrage,[564] when extended to the ignorant and degraded has seemed to produce the general effect of destroying a dangerous class by raising them gradually to intelligence and self-respect and respect for the laws, by making them the political equals of those who are socially and intellectually far above them.
7. as we grow in numbers all influences like this take a wider range, and acquire more power, and sometimes produce different results, when they become extensive, from what was the case when more limited, from the difference of influence in modifying causes; and there has always been fear of trouble from the extension of suffrage to too many ignorant persons. it is well to be cautious; but we ought to venture as far as possible for the sake of improving and elevating all classes of our people.
8. it is also a question worthy of attention if women who own property that is taxed ought not to possess the right of suffrage. the war that made us a nation was begun because we refused to be taxed unless we could be represented, and have a vote in the body laying the taxes. the principle appears to be precisely the same; and what we fought for then should not be denied now.
