to the

history of mary prince.

by the editor.

leaving mary's narrative, for the present, without comment to the reader's reflections, i proceed to state some circumstances connected with her case which have fallen more particularly under my own notice, and which i consider it incumbent now to lay fully before the public.

about the latter end of november, 1828, this poor woman found her way to the office of the anti-slavery society in aldermanbury, by the aid of a person who had become acquainted with her situation, and had advised her to apply there for advice and assistance. after some preliminary examination into the accuracy of the circumstances related by her, i went along with her to mr. george stephen, solicitor, and requested him to investigate and draw up a statement of her case, and have it submitted to counsel, in order to ascertain whether or not, under the circumstances, her freedom could be legally established on her return to antigua. on this occasion, in mr. stephen's presence and mine, she expressed, in very strong terms, her anxiety to return thither if she could go as a free person, and, at the same time, her extreme apprehensions of the fate that would probably await her if she returned as a slave. her words were, "i would rather go into my grave than go back a slave to antigua, though i wish to go back to my husband very much—very much—very much! i am much afraid my owners would separate me from my husband, and use me very hard, or perhaps sell me for a field negro;—and slavery is too too bad. i would rather go into my grave!"

the paper which mr. wood had given her before she left his house, was placed by her in mr. stephen's hands. it was expressed in the following terms:—

"i have already told molly, and now give it her in writing, in order that there may be no misunderstanding on her part, that as i brought her from antigua at her own request and entreaty, and that she is consequently now free, she is of course at liberty to take her baggage and go where she pleases. and, in consequence of her late conduct, she must do one of two things—either quit the house, or return to antigua by the earliest opportunity, as she does not evince a disposition to make herself useful. as she is a stranger in london, i do not wish to turn[25] her out, or would do so, as two female servants are sufficient for my establishment. if after this she does remain, it will be only during her good behaviour: but on no consideration will i allow her wages or any other remuneration for her services.

"john a. wood."

"london, august 18, 1828."

this paper, though not devoid of inconsistencies, which will be apparent to any attentive reader, is craftily expressed; and was well devised to serve the purpose which the writer had obviously in view, namely, to frustrate any appeal which the friendless black woman might make to the sympathy of strangers, and thus prevent her from obtaining an asylum, if she left his house, from any respectable family. as she had no one to refer to for a character in this country except himself, he doubtless calculated securely on her being speedily driven back, as soon as the slender fund she had in her possession was expended, to throw herself unconditionally upon his tender mercies; and his disappointment in this expectation appears to have exasperated his feelings of resentment towards the poor woman, to a degree which few persons alive to the claims of common justice, not to speak of christianity or common humanity, could easily have anticipated. such, at least, seems the only intelligible inference that can be drawn from his subsequent conduct.

the case having been submitted, by desire of the anti-slavery committee, to the consideration of dr. lushington and mr. sergeant stephen, it was found that there existed no legal means of compelling mary's master to grant her manumission; and that if she returned to antigua, she would inevitably fall again under his power, or that of his attorneys, as a slave. it was, however, resolved to try what could be effected for her by amicable negotiation; and with this view mr. ravenscroft, a solicitor, (mr. stephen's relative,) called upon mr. wood, in order to ascertain whether he would consent to mary's manumission on any reasonable terms, and to refer, if required, the amount of compensation for her value to arbitration. mr. ravenscroft with some difficulty obtained one or two interviews, but found mr. wood so full of animosity against the woman, and so firmly bent against any arrangement having her freedom for its object, that the negotiation was soon broken off as hopeless. the angry slave-owner declared "that he would not move a finger about her in this country, or grant her manumission on any terms whatever; and that if she went back to the west indies, she must take the consequences."

this unreasonable conduct of mr. wood, induced the anti-slavery committee, after several other abortive attempts to effect a compromise, to think of bringing the case under the notice of parliament. the heads of mary's statement were accordingly engrossed in a petition, which dr. lushington offered to present, and to give notice at the same time of his intention to bring in a bill to provide for the entire emancipation of all slaves brought to england with the owner's consent. but before this step was taken, dr. lushington again had recourse to negotiation with the master; and, partly through the friendly intervention of mr. manning, partly by personal conference, used every persuasion in his power to induce mr. wood to relent and let the bondwoman go free.[26] seeing the matter thus seriously taken up, mr. wood became at length alarmed,—not relishing, it appears, the idea of having the case publicly discussed in the house of commons; and to avert this result he submitted to temporize—assumed a demeanour of unwonted civility, and even hinted to mr. manning (as i was given to understand) that if he was not driven to utter hostility by the threatened exposure, he would probably meet our wishes "in his own time and way." having gained time by these man?uvres, he adroitly endeavoured to cool the ardour of mary's new friends, in her cause, by representing her as an abandoned and worthless woman, ungrateful towards him, and undeserving of sympathy from others; allegations which he supported by the ready affirmation of some of his west india friends, and by one or two plausible letters procured from antigua. by these and like artifices he appears completely to have imposed on mr. manning, the respectable west india merchant whom dr. lushington had asked to negotiate with him; and he prevailed so far as to induce dr. lushington himself (actuated by the benevolent view of thereby best serving mary's cause,) to abstain from any remarks upon his conduct when the petition was at last presented in parliament. in this way he dextrously contrived to neutralize all our efforts, until the close of the session of 1829; soon after which he embarked with his family for the west indies.

every exertion for mary's relief having thus failed; and being fully convinced from a twelvemonth's observation of her conduct, that she was really a well-disposed and respectable woman; i engaged her, in december 1829, as a domestic servant in my own family. in this capacity she has remained ever since; and i am thus enabled to speak of her conduct and character with a degree of confidence i could not have otherwise done. the importance of this circumstance will appear in the sequel.

from the time of mr. wood's departure to antigua, in 1829, till june or july last, no farther effort was attempted for mary's relief. some faint hope was still cherished that this unconscionable man would at length relent, and "in his own time and way," grant the prayer of the exiled negro woman. after waiting, however, nearly twelve months longer, and seeing the poor woman's spirits daily sinking under the sickening influence of hope deferred, i resolved on a final attempt in her behalf, through the intervention of the moravian missionaries, and of the governor of antigua. at my request, mr. edward moore, agent of the moravian brethren in london, wrote to the rev. joseph newby, their missionary in that island, empowering him to negotiate in his own name with mr. wood for mary's manumission, and to procure his consent, if possible, upon terms of ample pecuniary compensation. at the same time the excellent and benevolent william allen, of the society of friends, wrote to sir patrick ross, the governor of the colony, with whom he was on terms of friendship, soliciting him to use his influence in persuading mr. wood to consent: and i confess i was sanguine enough to flatter myself that we should thus at length prevail. the result proved, however, that i had not yet fully appreciated the character of the man we had to deal with.

mr. newby's answer arrived early in november last, mentioning that[27] he had done all in his power to accomplish our purpose, but in vain; and that if mary's manumission could not be obtained without mr. wood's consent, he believed there was no prospect of its ever being effected.

a few weeks afterwards i was informed by mr. allen, that he had received a letter from sir patrick ross, stating that he also had used his best endeavours in the affair, but equally without effect. sir patrick at the same time inclosed a letter, addressed by mr. wood to his secretary, mr. taylor, assigning his reasons for persisting in this extraordinary course. this letter requires our special attention. its tenor is as follows:—

"my dear sir,

"in reply to your note relative to the woman molly, i beg you will have the kindness to oblige me by assuring his excellency that i regret exceedingly my inability to comply with his request, which under other circumstances would afford me very great pleasure.

"there are many and powerful reasons for inducing me to refuse my sanction to her returning here in the way she seems to wish. it would be to reward the worst species of ingratitude, and subject myself to insult whenever she came in my way. her moral character is very bad, as the police records will shew; and she would be a very troublesome character should she come here without any restraint. she is not a native of this country, and i know of no relation she has here. i induced her to take a husband, a short time before she left this, by providing a comfortable house in my yard for them, and prohibiting her going out after 10 to 12 o'clock (our bed-time) without special leave. this she considered the greatest, and indeed the only, grievance she ever complained of, and all my efforts could not prevent it. in hopes of inducing her to be steady to her husband, who was a free man, i gave him the house to occupy during our absence; but it appears the attachment was too loose to bind her, and he has taken another wife: so on that score i do her no injury.—in england she made her election, and quitted my family. this i had no right to object to; and i should have thought no more of it, but not satisfied to leave quietly, she gave every trouble and annoyance in her power, and endeavoured to injure the character of my family by the most vile and infamous falsehoods, which was embodied in a petition to the house of commons, and would have been presented, had not my friends from this island, particularly the hon. mr. byam and dr. coull, come forward, and disproved what she had asserted.

"it would be beyond the limits of an ordinary letter to detail her baseness, though i will do so should his excellency wish it; but you may judge of her depravity by one circumstance, which came out before mr. justice dyett, in a quarrel with another female.

"such a thing i could not have believed possible.[19]

"losing her value as a slave in a pecuniary point of view i consider of no consequence; for it was our intention, had she conducted herself properly and returned with us, to have given her freedom. she has taken her freedom; and all i wish is, that she would enjoy it without meddling with me.

"let me again repeat, if his excellency wishes it, it will afford me great pleasure [28]to state such particulars of her, and which will be incontestably proved by numbers here, that i am sure will acquit me in his opinion of acting unkind or ungenerous towards her. i'll say nothing of the liability i should incur, under the consolidated slave law, of dealing with a free person as a slave.

"my only excuse for entering so much into detail must be that of my anxious wish to stand justified in his excellency's opinion.

"i am, my dear sir,

yours very truly,

john a. wood.

"20th oct. 1830."

"charles taylor, esq.

&c. &c. &c.

"i forgot to mention that it was at her own special request that she accompanied me to england—and also that she had a considerable sum of money with her, which she had saved in my service. i knew of ￡36 to ￡40, at least, for i had some trouble to recover it from a white man, to whom she had lent it.

"j. a. w."

such is mr. wood's justification of his conduct in thus obstinately refusing manumission to the negro-woman who had escaped from his "house of bondage."

let us now endeavour to estimate the validity of the excuses assigned, and the allegations advanced by him, for the information of governor sir patrick ross, in this deliberate statement of his case.

1. to allow the woman to return home free, would, he affirms "be to reward the worst species of ingratitude."

he assumes, it seems, the sovereign power of pronouncing a virtual sentence of banishment, for the alleged crime of ingratitude. is this then a power which any man ought to possess over his fellow-mortal? or which any good man would ever wish to exercise? and, besides, there is no evidence whatever, beyond mr. wood's mere assertion, that mary prince owed him or his family the slightest mark of gratitude. her account of the treatment she received in his service, may be incorrect; but her simple statement is at least supported by minute and feasible details, and, unless rebutted by positive facts, will certainly command credence from impartial minds more readily than his angry accusation, which has something absurd and improbable in its very front. moreover, is it not absurd to term the assertion of her natural rights by a slave,—even supposing her to have been kindly dealt with by her "owners," and treated in every respect the reverse of what mary affirms to have been her treatment by mr. wood and his wife,—"the worst species of ingratitude?" this may be west indian ethics, but it will scarcely be received as sound doctrine in europe.

2. to permit her return would be "to subject himself to insult whenever she came in his way."

this is a most extraordinary assertion. are the laws of antigua then so favourable to the free blacks, or the colonial police so feebly administered, that there are no sufficient restraints to protect a rich colonist like mr. wood,—a man who counts among his familiar friends the honourable mr. byam, and mr. taylor the government secretary,—from being insulted by a poor negro-woman? it is preposterous.

3. her moral character is so bad, that she would prove very troublesome should she come to the colony "without any restraint."[29]

"any restraint?" are there no restraints (supposing them necessary) short of absolute slavery to keep "troublesome characters" in order? but this, i suppose, is the argumentum ad gubernatorem—to frighten the governor. she is such a termagant, it seems, that if she once gets back to the colony free, she will not only make it too hot for poor mr. wood, but the police and courts of justice will scarce be a match for her! sir patrick ross, no doubt, will take care how he intercedes farther for so formidable a virago! how can one treat such arguments seriously?

4. she is not a native of the colony, and he knows of no relation she has there.

true: but was it not her home (so far as a slave can have a home) for thirteen or fourteen years? were not the connexions, friendships, and associations of her mature life formed there? was it not there she hoped to spend her latter years in domestic tranquillity with her husband, free from the lash of the taskmaster? these considerations may appear light to mr. wood, but they are every thing to this poor woman.

5. he induced her, he says, to take a husband, a short time before she left antigua, and gave them a comfortable house in his yard, &c. &c.

this paragraph merits attention. he "induced her to take a husband?" if the fact were true, what brutality of mind and manners does it not indicate among these slave-holders? they refuse to legalize the marriages of their slaves, but induce them to form such temporary connexions as may suit the owner's conveniency, just as they would pair the lower animals; and this man has the effrontery to tell us so! mary, however, tells a very different story, (see page 17;) and her assertion, independently of other proof, is at least as credible as mr. wood's. the reader will judge for himself as to the preponderance of internal evidence in the conflicting statements.

6. he alleges that she was, before marriage, licentious, and even depraved in her conduct, and unfaithful to her husband afterwards.

these are serious charges. but if true, or even partially true, how comes it that a person so correct in his family hours and arrangements as mr. wood professes to be, and who expresses so edifying a horror of licentiousness, could reconcile it to his conscience to keep in the bosom of his family so depraved, as well as so troublesome a character for at least thirteen years, and confide to her for long periods too the charge of his house and the care of his children—for such i shall shew to have been the facts? how can he account for not having rid himself with all speed, of so disreputable an inmate—he who values her loss so little "in a pecuniary point of view?" how can he account for having sold five other slaves in that period, and yet have retained this shocking woman—nay, even have refused to sell her, on more than one occasion, when offered her full value? it could not be from ignorance of her character, for the circumstance which he adduces as a proof of her shameless depravity, and which i have omitted on account of its indecency, occurred, it would appear, not less than ten years ago. yet, notwithstanding her alleged ill qualities and habits of gross immorality, he has not only constantly refused to part with her; but after thirteen long years, brings her to england as an attendant on his wife and children, with the avowed intention of carrying her back along with his maiden daughter, a young[30] lady returning from school! such are the extraordinary facts; and until mr. wood shall reconcile these singular inconsistencies between his actions and his allegations, he must not be surprised if we in england prefer giving credit to the former rather than the latter; although at present it appears somewhat difficult to say which side of the alternative is the more creditable to his own character.

7. her husband, he says, has taken another wife; "so that on that score," he adds, "he does her no injury."

supposing this fact be true, (which i doubt, as i doubt every mere assertion from so questionable a quarter,) i shall take leave to put a question or two to mr. wood's conscience. did he not write from england to his friend mr. darrel, soon after mary left his house, directing him to turn her husband, daniel james, off his premises, on account of her offence; telling him to inform james at the same time that his wife had taken up with another man, who had robbed her of all she had—a calumny as groundless as it was cruel? i further ask if the person who invented this story (whoever he may be,) was not likely enough to impose similar fabrications on the poor negro man's credulity, until he may have been induced to prove false to his marriage vows, and to "take another wife," as mr. wood coolly expresses it? but withal, i strongly doubt the fact of daniel james' infidelity; for there is now before me a letter from himself to mary, dated in april 1830, couched in strong terms of conjugal affection; expressing his anxiety for her speedy return, and stating that he had lately "received a grace" (a token of religious advancement) in the moravian church, a circumstance altogether incredible if the man were living in open adultery, as mr. wood's assertion implies.

8. mary, he says, endeavoured to injure the character of his family by infamous falsehoods, which were embodied in a petition to the house of commons, and would have been presented, had not his friends from antigua, the hon. mr. byam, and dr. coull, disproved her assertions.

i can say something on this point from my own knowledge. mary's petition contained simply a brief statement of her case, and, among other things, mentioned the treatment she had received from mr. and mrs. wood. now the principal facts are corroborated by other evidence, and mr. wood must bring forward very different testimony from that of dr. coull before well-informed persons will give credit to his contradiction. the value of that person's evidence in such cases will be noticed presently. of the hon. mr. byam i know nothing, and shall only at present remark that it is not likely to redound greatly to his credit to appear in such company. furthermore, mary's petition was presented, as mr. wood ought to know; though it was not discussed, nor his conduct exposed as it ought to have been.

9. he speaks of the liability he should incur, under the consolidated slave law, of dealing with a free person as a slave.

[31]

is not this pretext hypocritical in the extreme? what liability could he possibly incur by voluntarily resigning the power, conferred on him by an iniquitous colonial law, of re-imposing the shackles of slavery on the bondwoman from whose limbs they had fallen when she touched the free soil of england?—there exists no liability from which he might not have been easily secured, or for which he would not have been fully compensated.

he adds in a postscript that mary had a considerable sum of money with her,—from ￡36 to ￡40 at least, which she had saved in his service. the fact is, that she had at one time 113 dollars in cash; but only a very small portion of that sum appears to have been brought by her to england, the rest having been partly advanced, as she states, to assist her husband, and partly lost by being lodged in unfaithful custody.

finally, mr. wood repeats twice that it will afford him great pleasure to state for the governor's satisfaction, if required, such particulars of "the woman molly," upon incontestable evidence, as he is sure will acquit him in his excellency's opinion "of acting unkind or ungenerous towards her."

this is well: and i now call upon mr. wood to redeem his pledge;—to bring forward facts and proofs fully to elucidate the subject;—to reconcile, if he can, the extraordinary discrepancies which i have pointed out between his assertions and the actual facts, and especially between his account of mary prince's character and his own conduct in regard to her. he has now to produce such a statement as will acquit him not only in the opinion of sir patrick ross, but of the british public. and in this position he has spontaneously placed himself, in attempting to destroy, by his deliberate criminatory letter, the poor woman's fair fame and reputation,—an attempt but for which the present publication would probably never have appeared.

here perhaps we might safely leave the case to the judgment of the public; but as this negro woman's character, not the less valuable to her because her condition is so humble, has been so unscrupulously blackened by her late master, a party so much interested and inclined to place her in the worst point of view,—it is incumbent on me, as her advocate with the public, to state such additional testimony in her behalf as i can fairly and conscientiously adduce.

my first evidence is mr. joseph phillips, of antigua. having submitted to his inspection mr. wood's letter and mary prince's narrative, and requested his candid and deliberate sentiments in regard to the actual facts of the case, i have been favoured with the following letter from him on the subject:—

"london, january 18, 1831.

"dear sir,

"in giving you my opinion of mary prince's narrative, and of mr. wood's letter respecting her, addressed to mr. taylor, i shall first mention my opportunities of forming a proper estimate of the conduct and character of both parties.

"i have known mr. wood since his first arrival in antigua in 1803. he was then a poor young man, who had been brought up as a ship carpenter in bermuda. he was afterwards raised to be a clerk in the commissariat department, and realised sufficient capital to commence business as a merchant. this last profession he has followed successfully for a good many years, and is understood to have accumulated very considerable wealth. after he entered into trade, i had constant intercourse with him in the way of business; and in 1824 and 1825, i was regularly employed on his premises as his clerk; consequently, i had opportunities of seeing a good deal of his character both as a merchant, and as a master of slaves. the former topic i pass over as irrelevant to the present subject: in reference to the latter, i shall merely observe that he was not, in regard to ordinary [32]matters, more severe than the ordinary run of slave owners; but, if seriously offended, he was not of a disposition to be easily appeased, and would spare no cost or sacrifice to gratify his vindictive feelings. as regards the exaction of work from domestic slaves, his wife was probably more severe than himself—it was almost impossible for the slaves ever to give her entire satisfaction.

"of their slave molly (or mary) i know less than of mr. and mrs. wood; but i saw and heard enough of her, both while i was constantly employed on mr. wood's premises, and while i was there occasionally on business, to be quite certain that she was viewed by her owners as their most respectable and trustworthy female slave. it is within my personal knowledge that she had usually the charge of the house in their absence, was entrusted with the keys, &c.; and was always considered by the neighbours and visitors as their confidential household servant, and as a person in whose integrity they placed unlimited confidence,—although when mrs. wood was at home, she was no doubt kept pretty closely at washing and other hard work. a decided proof of the estimation in which she was held by her owners exists in the fact that mr. wood uniformly refused to part with her, whereas he sold five other slaves while she was with them. indeed, she always appeared to me to be a slave of superior intelligence and respectability; and i always understood such to be her general character in the place.

"as to what mr. wood alleges about her being frequently before the police, &c. i can only say i never heard of the circumstance before; and as i lived for twenty years in the same small town, and in the vicinity of their residence, i think i could scarcely have failed to become acquainted with it, had such been the fact. she might, however, have been occasionally before the magistrate in consequence of little disputes among the slaves, without any serious imputation on her general respectability. she says she was twice summoned to appear as a witness on such occasions; and that she was once sent by her mistress to be confined in the cage, and was afterwards flogged by her desire. this cruel practice is very common in antigua; and, in my opinion, is but little creditable to the slave owners and magistrates by whom such arbitrary punishments are inflicted, frequently for very trifling faults. mr. james scotland is the only magistrate in the colony who invariably refuses to sanction this reprehensible practice.

"of the immoral conduct ascribed to molly by mr. wood, i can say nothing further than this—that i have heard she had at a former period (previous to her marriage) a connexion with a white person, a capt. ——, which i have no doubt was broken off when she became seriously impressed with religion. but, at any rate, such connexions are so common, i might almost say universal, in our slave colonies, that except by the missionaries and a few serious persons, they are considered, if faults at all, so very venial as scarcely to deserve the name of immorality. mr. wood knows this colonial estimate of such connexions as well as i do; and, however false such an estimate must be allowed to be, especially when applied to their own conduct by persons of education, pretending to adhere to the pure christian rule of morals,—yet when he ascribes to a negro slave, to whom legal marriage was denied, such great criminality for laxity of this sort, and professes to be so exceedingly shocked and amazed at the tale he himself relates, he must, i am confident, have had a farther object in view than the information of mr. taylor or sir patrick ross. he must, it is evident, have been aware that his letter would be sent to mr. allen, and accordingly adapted it, as more important documents from the colonies are often adapted, for effect in england. the tale of the slave molly's immoralities, be assured, was not intended for antigua so much as for stoke newington, and peckham, and aldermanbury.

"in regard to mary's narrative generally, although i cannot speak to the accuracy of the details, except in a few recent particulars, i can with safety declare that i see no reason to question the truth of a single fact stated by her, or even to suspect her in any instance of intentional exaggeration. it bears in my judgment [33]the genuine stamp of truth and nature. such is my unhesitating opinion, after a residence of twenty-seven years in the west indies.

"i remain, &c.

"joseph phillips."

to t. pringle, esq.

"p.s. as mr. wood refers to the evidence of dr. t. coull in opposition to mary's assertions, it may be proper to enable you justly to estimate the worth of that person's evidence in cases connected with the condition and treatment of slaves. you are aware that in 1829, mr. m'queen of glasgow, in noticing a report of the "ladies' society of birmingham for the relief of british negro slaves," asserted with his characteristic audacity, that the statement which it contained respecting distressed and deserted slaves in antigua was "an abominable falsehood." not contented with this, and with insinuating that i, as agent of the society in the distribution of their charity in antigua, had fraudulently duped them out of their money by a fabricated tale of distress, mr. m'queen proceeded to libel me in the most opprobrious terms, as "a man of the most worthless and abandoned character."[20] now i know from good authority that it was upon dr. coull's information that mr. m'queen founded this impudent contradiction of notorious facts, and this audacious libel of my personal character. from this single circumstance you may judge of the value of his evidence in the case of mary prince. i can furnish further information respecting dr. coull's colonial proceedings, both private and judicial, should circumstances require it."

"j. p."

[34]

i leave the preceding letter to be candidly weighed by the reader in opposition to the inculpatory allegations of mr. wood—merely remarking that mr. wood will find it somewhat difficult to impugn the evidence of mr. phillips, whose "upright," "unimpeached," and "unexceptionable" character, he has himself vouched for in unqualified terms, by affixing his signature to the testimonial published in the weekly register of antigua in 1825. (see note below.)

the next testimony in mary's behalf is that of mrs. forsyth, a lady in whose service she spent the summer of 1829.—(see page 21.) this lady, on leaving london to join her husband, voluntarily presented mary with a certificate, which, though it relates only to a recent and short period of her history, is a strong corroboration of the habitual respectability of her character. it is in the following terms:—

"mrs. forsyth states, that the bearer of this paper (mary james,) has been with her for the last six months; that she has found her an excellent character, being honest, industrious, and sober; and that she parts with her on no other account than this—that being obliged to travel with her husband, who has lately come from abroad in bad health, she has no farther need of a servant. any person wishing to engage her, can have her character in full from miss robson, 4, keppel street, russel square, whom mrs. forsyth has requested to furnish particulars to any one desiring them.

"4, keppel street, 28th sept. 1829."

in the last place, i add my own testimony in behalf of this negro woman. independently of the scrutiny, which, as secretary of the anti-slavery society, i made into her case when she first applied for assistance, at 18, aldermanbury, and the watchful eye i kept upon her conduct for the ensuing twelvemonths, while she was the occasional pensioner of the society, i have now had the opportunity of closely observing her conduct for fourteen months, in the situation of a domestic[35] servant in my own family; and the following is the deliberate opinion of mary's character, formed not only by myself, but also by my wife and sister-in-law, after this ample period of observation. we have found her perfectly honest and trustworthy in all respects; so that we have no hesitation in leaving every thing in the house at her disposal. she had the entire charge of the house during our absence in scotland for three months last autumn, and conducted herself in that charge with the utmost discretion and fidelity. she is not, it is true, a very expert housemaid, nor capable of much hard work, (for her constitution appears to be a good deal broken,) but she is careful, industrious, and anxious to do her duty and to give satisfaction. she is capable of strong attachments, and feels deep, though unobtrusive, gratitude for real kindness shown her. she possesses considerable natural sense, and has much quickness of observation and discrimination of character. she is remarkable for decency and propriety of conduct—and her delicacy, even in trifling minuti?, has been a trait of special remark by the females of my family. this trait, which is obviously quite unaffected, would be a most inexplicable anomaly, if her former habits had been so indecent and depraved as mr. wood alleges. her chief faults, so far as we have discovered them, are, a somewhat violent and hasty temper, and a considerable share of natural pride and self-importance; but these defects have been but rarely and transiently manifested, and have scarcely occasioned an hour's uneasiness at any time in our household. her religious knowledge, notwithstanding the pious care of her moravian instructors in antigua, is still but very limited, and her views of christianity indistinct; but her profession, whatever it may have of imperfection, i am convinced, has nothing of insincerity. in short, we consider her on the whole as respectable and well-behaved a person in her station, as any domestic, white or black, (and we have had ample experience of both colours,) that we have ever had in our service.

but after all, mary's character, important though its exculpation be to her, is not really the point of chief practical interest in this case. suppose all mr. wood's defamatory allegations to be true—suppose him to be able to rake up against her out of the records of the antigua police, or from the veracious testimony of his brother colonists, twenty stories as bad or worse than what he insinuates—suppose the whole of her own statement to be false, and even the whole of her conduct since she came under our observation here to be a tissue of hypocrisy;—suppose all this—and leave the negro woman as black in character as in complexion,[21]—yet it would affect not the main facts—which are these.—1. mr. wood, not daring in england to punish this woman arbitrarily, as he would have done in the west indies, drove her out of his house, or [36]left her, at least, only the alternative of returning instantly to antigua, with the certainty of severe treatment there, or submitting in silence to what she considered intolerable usage in his household. 2. he has since obstinately persisted in refusing her manumission, to enable her to return home in security, though repeatedly offered more than ample compensation for her value as a slave; and this on various frivolous pretexts, but really, and indeed not unavowedly, in order to punish her for leaving his service in england, though he himself had professed to give her that option. these unquestionable facts speak volumes.[22]

[37]

the case affords a most instructive illustration of the true spirit of the slave system, and of the pretensions of the slave-holders to assert, not merely their claims to a "vested right" in the labour of their bondmen, but to an indefeasible property in them as their "absolute chattels." it furnishes a striking practical comment on the assertions of the west indians that self-interest is a sufficient check to the indulgence of vindictive feelings in the master; for here is a case where a man (a respectable and benevolent man as his friends aver,) prefers losing entirely the full price of the slave, for the mere satisfaction of preventing a poor black woman from returning home to her husband! if the pleasure of thwarting the benevolent wishes of the anti-slavery society in behalf of the deserted negro, be an additional motive with mr. wood, it will not much mend his wretched plea.

i may here add a few words respecting the earlier portion of mary prince's narrative. the facts there stated must necessarily rest entirely,—since we have no collateral evidence,—upon their intrinsic claims to probability, and upon the reliance the reader may feel disposed, after perusing the foregoing pages, to place on her veracity. to my judgment, the internal evidence of the truth of her narrative appears remarkably strong. the circumstances are related in a tone of natural sincerity, and are accompanied in almost every case with characteristic and minute details, which must, i conceive, carry with them full conviction to every candid mind that this negro woman has actually seen, felt, and suffered all that she so impressively describes; and that the picture she has given of west indian slavery is not less true than it is revolting.

but there may be some persons into whose hands this tract may fall, so imperfectly acquainted with the real character of negro slavery, as to be shocked into partial, if not absolute incredulity, by the acts of inhuman oppression and brutality related of capt. i—— and his wife, and of mr. d——, the salt manufacturer of turk's island. here, at least, such persons may be disposed to think, there surely must be some exaggeration; the facts are too shocking to be credible. the facts are indeed shocking, but unhappily not the less credible on that account. slavery is a curse to the oppressor scarcely less than to the oppressed: its natural tendency is to brutalize both. after a residence myself of six years in a slave colony, i am inclined to doubt whether, as regards its demoralizing influence, the master is not even a greater object of compassion than his bondman. let those who are disposed to doubt the atrocities related in this narrative, on the testimony of a sufferer, examine the details of many cases of similar barbarity that have lately come before the public, on unquestionable evidence. passing over the reports of the fiscal of berbice,[23] and the mauritius horrors recently unveiled,[24] let them consider the case of mr. and mrs. moss, of the bahamas, and their slave kate, so justly denounced by the secretary for the colonies;[25]—the cases of eleanor mead,[26]—of henry williams,[27]—and [38]of the rev. mr. bridges and kitty hylton,[28] in jamaica. these cases alone might suffice to demonstrate the inevitable tendency of slavery as it exists in our colonies, to brutalize the master to a truly frightful degree—a degree which would often cast into the shade even the atrocities related in the narrative of mary prince; and which are sufficient to prove, independently of all other evidence, that there is nothing in the revolting character of the facts to affect their credibility; but that on the contrary, similar deeds are at this very time of frequent occurrence in almost every one of our slave colonies. the system of coercive labour may vary in different places; it may be more destructive to human life in the cane culture of mauritius and jamaica, than in the predial and domestic bondage of bermuda or the bahamas,—but the spirit and character of slavery are every where the same, and cannot fail to produce similar effects. wherever slavery prevails, there will inevitably be found cruelty and oppression. individuals who have preserved humane, and amiable, and tolerant dispositions towards their black dependents, may doubtless be found among slave-holders; but even where a happy instance of this sort occurs, such as mary's first mistress, the kind-hearted mrs. williams, the favoured condition of the slave is still as precarious as it is rare: it is every moment at the mercy of events; and must always be held by a tenure so proverbially uncertain as that of human prosperity, or human life. such examples, like a feeble and flickering streak of light in a gloomy picture, only serve by contrast to exhibit the depth of the prevailing shades. like other exceptions, they only prove the general rule: the unquestionable tendency of the system is to vitiate the best tempers, and to harden the most feeling hearts. "never be kind, nor speak kindly to a slave," said an accomplished english lady in south africa to my wife: "i have now," she added, "been for some time a slave-owner, and have found, from vexatious experience in my own household, that nothing but harshness and hauteur will do with slaves."

i might perhaps not inappropriately illustrate this point more fully by stating many cases which fell under my own personal observation, or became known to me through authentic sources, at the cape of good hope—a colony where slavery assumes, as it is averred, a milder aspect than in any other dependency of the empire where it exists; and i could shew, from the judicial records of that colony, received by me within these few weeks, cases scarcely inferior in barbarity to the worst of those to which i have just specially referred; but to do so would lead me too far from the immediate purpose of this pamphlet, and extend it to an inconvenient length. i shall therefore content myself with quoting a single short passage from the excellent work of my friend dr. walsh, entitled "notices of brazil,"—a work which, besides its other merits, has vividly illustrated the true spirit of negro slavery, as it displays itself not merely in that country, but wherever it has been permitted to open its pandora's box of misery and crime.

let the reader ponder on the following just remarks, and compare the facts stated by the author in illustration of them, with the circumstances related at pages 6 and 7 of mary's narrative:—

[39]

"if then we put out of the question the injury inflicted on others, and merely consider the deterioration of feeling and principle with which it operates on ourselves, ought it not to be a sufficient, and, indeed, unanswerable argument, against the permission of slavery?

"the exemplary manner in which the paternal duties are performed at home, may mark people as the most fond and affectionate parents; but let them once go abroad, and come within the contagion of slavery, and it seems to alter the very nature of a man; and the father has sold, and still sells, the mother and his children, with as little compunction as he would a sow and her litter of pigs; and he often disposes of them together.

"this deterioration of feeling is conspicuous in many ways among the brazilians. they are naturally a people of a humane and good-natured disposition, and much indisposed to cruelty or severity of any kind. indeed, the manner in which many of them treat their slaves is a proof of this, as it is really gentle and considerate; but the natural tendency to cruelty and oppression in the human heart, is continually evolved by the impunity and uncontrolled licence in which they are exercised. i never walked through the streets of rio, that some house did not present to me the semblance of a bridewell, where the moans and the cries of the sufferers, and the sounds of whips and scourges within, announced to me that corporal punishment was being inflicted. whenever i remarked this to a friend, i was always answered that the refractory nature of the slave rendered it necessary, and no house could properly be conducted unless it was practised. but this is certainly not the case; and the chastisement is constantly applied in the very wantonness of barbarity, and would not, and dared not, be inflicted on the humblest wretch in society, if he was not a slave, and so put out of the pale of pity.

"immediately joining our house was one occupied by a mechanic, from which the most dismal cries and moans constantly proceeded. i entered the shop one day, and found it was occupied by a saddler, who had two negro boys working at his business. he was a tawny, cadaverous-looking man, with a dark aspect; and he had cut from his leather a scourge like a russian knout, which he held in his hand, and was in the act of exercising on one of the naked children in an inner room: and this was the cause of the moans and cries we heard every day, and almost all day long.

"in the rear of our house was another, occupied by some women of bad character, who kept, as usual, several negro slaves. i was awoke early one morning by dismal cries, and looking out of the window, i saw in the back yard of the house, a black girl of about fourteen years old; before her stood her mistress, a white woman, with a large stick in her hand. she was undressed except her petticoat and chemise, which had fallen down and left her shoulders and bosom bare. her hair was streaming behind, and every fierce and malevolent passion was depicted in her face. she too, like my hostess at governo [another striking illustration of the dehumanizing effects of slavery,] was the very representation of a fury. she was striking the poor girl, whom she had driven up into a corner, where she was on her knees appealing for mercy. she shewed her none, but continued to strike her on the head and thrust the stick into her face, till she was herself exhausted, and her poor victim covered with blood. this scene was renewed every morning, and the cries and moans of the poor suffering blacks, announced that they were enduring the penalty of slavery, in being the objects on which the irritable and malevolent passions of the whites are allowed to vent themselves with impunity; nor could i help deeply deploring that state of society in which the vilest characters in the community are allowed an almost uncontrolled power of life and death, over their innocent, and far more estimable fellow-creatures."—(notices of brazil, vol. ii. p. 354-356.)

[40]

in conclusion, i may observe that the history of mary prince furnishes a corollary to lord stowell's decision in the case of the slave grace, and that it is most valuable on this account. whatever opinions may be held by some readers on the grave question of immediately abolishing colonial slavery, nothing assuredly can be more repugnant to the feelings of englishmen than that the system should be permitted to extend its baneful influence to this country. yet such is the case, when the slave landed in england still only possesses that qualified degree of freedom, that a change of domicile will determine it. though born a british subject, and resident within the shores of england, he is cut off from his dearest natural rights by the sad alternative of regaining them at the expence of liberty, and the certainty of severe treatment. it is true that he has the option of returning; but it is a cruel mockery to call it a voluntary choice, when upon his return depend his means of subsistence and his re-union with all that makes life valuable. here he has tasted "the sweets of freedom," to quote the words of the unfortunate mary prince; but if he desires to restore himself to his family, or to escape from suffering and destitution, and the other evils of a climate uncongenial to his constitution and habits, he must abandon the enjoyment of his late-acquired liberty, and again subject himself to the arbitrary power of a vindictive master.

the case of mary prince is by no means a singular one; many of the same kind are daily occurring: and even if the case were singular, it would still loudly call for the interference of the legislature. in instances of this kind no injury can possibly be done to the owner by confirming to the slave his resumption of his natural rights. it is the master's spontaneous act to bring him to this country; he knows when he brings him that he divests himself of his property; and it is, in fact, a minor species of slave trading, when he has thus enfranchised his slave, to re-capture that slave by the necessities of his condition, or by working upon the better feelings of his heart. abstractedly from all legal technicalities, there is no real difference between thus compelling the return of the enfranchised negro, and trepanning a free native of england by delusive hopes into perpetual slavery. the most ingenious casuist could not point out any essential distinction between the two cases. our boasted liberty is the dream of imagination, and no longer the characteristic of our country, if its bulwarks can thus be thrown down by colonial special pleading. it would well become the character of the present government to introduce a bill into the legislature making perpetual that freedom which the slave has acquired by his passage here, and thus to declare, in the most ample sense of the words, (what indeed we had long fondly believed to be the fact, though it now appears that we have been mistaken,) that no slave can exist within the shores of great britain.