the dooms of the city of london.

(æðelstán v. thorpe, i. 228, sq.)

“this is the ordinance which the bishops and the reeves belonging to london have ordained, and with weds confirmed, among our ‘frith gegildas,’ as well eorlish as ceorlish, in addition to the dooms which were fixed at greatanlea and at exeter and at thunresfeld.

“this then is first.

“1. that no thief be spared over xii pence, and no person over xii years, whom we learn according to folkright that he is guilty, and can make no denial; that we slay him, and take all that he has; and first take the ‘ceapgild’ from the property; and after that let the surplus be divided into ii: one part to the wife, if she be innocent, and were not privy to the crime; and the other into ii; let the king take half, half the fellowship. if it be bócland or bishop’s land, then has the landlord the half part in common with the fellowship.

“2. and he who secretly harbours a thief, and is privy to the crime and to the guilt, to him let the like be done.

“3. and he who stands with a thief, and fights with him, let him be slain with the thief.

“4. and he who oft before has been convicted openly of theft, and shall go to the ordeal, and is there found guilty; that he be slain, unless the kindred or the lord be willing to release him by his ‘wer,’ and by the full ‘ceap-gild,’ and also have him in ‘borh,’ that he thenceforth desist from every kind of evil. if after that

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he again steal, then let his kinsmen give him up to the reeve to whom it may appertain, in such custody as they before took him out of from the ordeal, and let him be slain in retribution of the theft. but if any one defend him, and will take him, although he was convicted at the ordeal, so that he might not be slain; that he should be liable in his life, unless he should flee to the king, and he should give him his life; all as it was before ordained at greatanlea, and at exeter, and at thunresfeld.

“5. and whoever will avenge a thief, and commits an assault, or makes an attack on the highway; let him be liable in cxx shillings to the king. but if he slay any one in his revenge, let him be liable in his life, and in all that he has, unless the king is willing to be merciful to him.

“second.

“that we have ordained: that each of us should contribute iv pence for our common use within xii months, and pay for the property which should be taken after we had contributed the money; and that all should have the search in common; and that every man should contribute his shilling who had property to the value of xxx pence, except the poor widow who has no ‘forwyrhta’ nor any land.

“third.

“that we count always ten men together, and the chief should direct the nine in each of those duties which we have all ordained; and [count] afterwards their ‘hyndens’ together, and one ‘hynden-man’ who shall admonish the x for our common benefit; and let these xi hold the money of the ‘hynden,’ and decide what they shall disburse when aught is to pay, and what they shall receive, if money should arise to us, at our common suit; and let them also know that every contribution be forthcoming which we have all ordained for our common benefit, after the rate of xxx pence or one ox; so that all be fulfilled which we have ordained in our ordinances, and which stands in our agreement.

“fourth.

“that every man of them who has heard the orders should be

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aidful to others, as well in tracing as in pursuit, so long as the track is known; and after the track has failed him, that one man be found where there is a large population, as well as from one tithing where a less population is, either to ride or to go (unless there be need of more) thither where most need is, and as they all have ordained.

“fifth.

“that no search be abandoned, either to the north of the march or to the south, before every man who has a horse has ridden one riding; and that he who has not a horse, work for the lord who rides or goes for him, until he come home; unless right shall have been previously obtained.

“sixth.

“1. respecting our ‘ceapgild’: a horse at half a pound, if it be so good; and if it be inferior, let it be paid for by the worth of its appearance, and by that which the man values it at who owns it, unless he have evidence that it be as good as he says, and then let [us] have the surplus which we there require.

“2. an ox at a mancus, and a cow at xx, and a swine at x, and a sheep at a shilling.

“3. and we have ordained respecting our ‘theowmen’ whom men might have; if anyone should steal him, that he should be paid for with half a pound; but if we should raise the ‘gild,’ that it should be increased above that, by the worth of his appearance, and that we should have for ourselves the surplus that we then should require. but if he should have stolen himself away, that he should be led to the stoning, as it was formerly ordained; and that every man who had a man, should contribute either a penny or a halfpenny, according to the number of the fellowship, so that we might be able to raise the worth. but if he should make his escape, that he should be paid for by the worth of his appearance, and we all should make search for him. if we then should be able to come at him, that the same should be done to him that would be done to a wylisc thief, or that he be hanged.

“4. and let the ‘ceapgild’ always advance from xxx pence to

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half a pound, after we make search; further, if we raise the ‘ceap-gild’ to the full ‘angilde’; and let the search still continue, as was before ordained, though it be less.

“seventh.

“that we have ordained: let do the deed whoever may that shall avenge the injuries of us all, that we should be all so in one friendship as in one foeship, whichever it then may be; and that he who should kill a thief before other men, that he be xii pence the better for the deed, and for the enterprize, from our common money. and he who should own the property for which we pay let him not forsake the search, on peril of our ‘oferhyrnes,’ and the notice therewith, until we come to payment; and then also we would reward him for his labour, out of our common money, according to the worth of the journey, lest the giving notice should be neglected.

“eighth.

“1. that we gather to us once in every month, if we can and have leisure, the ‘hynden men’ and those who direct the tithings, as well with ‘bytt-fylling,’ as else it may concern us, and know what of our agreement has been executed; and let these xii men have their refection together, and feed themselves according as they may deem themselves worthy, and deal the remains of the meat for the love of god.

“2. and if it then should happen that any kin be so strong and so great, within land or without, whether ‘xii hynde’ or ‘twy hynde,’ that they refuse us right, and stand up in defence of a thief; that we all of us ride thereto with the reeve within whose ‘manung’ it may be.

“3. and also send on both sides to the reeves, and desire from them aid of so many men as may seem to us adequate for so great a suit, that there may be the more fear in those culpable men for our assemblage, and that we all ride thereto, and avenge our wrong, and slay the thief, and those who fight and stand with him, unless they be willing to depart from him.

“4. and if any one trace a track from one shire to another, let

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the men who there are next take to it, and pursue the track till it be made known to the reeve; let him then with his ‘manung’ take to it, and pursue the track out of his shire, if he can; but if he cannot, let him pay the ‘angylde’ of the property, and let both reeveships have the full suit in common, be it wherever it may, as well to the north of the march as to the south, always from one shire to another; so that every reeve may assist another, for the common ‘frith’ of us all, by the king’s ‘oferhyrnes.’

“5. and also that everyone shall help another, as it is ordained and by ‘weds’ confirmed; and such man as shall neglect this beyond the march, let him be liable in xxx pence, or an ox, if he aught of this neglect which stands in our writings, and we with our ‘weds’ have confirmed.

“6. and we have also ordained respecting every man who has given his ‘wed’ in our gildships, if he should die, that each gild-brother shall give a ‘gesufel’ loaf for his soul, and sing a fifty, or get it sung within xxx days.

“7. and we also command our ‘hiremen’ that each man shall know when he has his cattle, or when he has not, on his neighbour’s witness, and that he point out to us the track, if he cannot find it within three days; for we believe that many heedless men reck not how their cattle go, for over-confidence in the ‘frith.’

“8. then we command that within iii days he make it known to his neighbours, if he will ask for the ‘ceap-gild’; and let the search nevertheless go on as it was before ordained, for we will not pay for any unguarded property, unless it be stolen. many men speak fraudulent speech. if he cannot point out to us the track, let him show on oath with iii of his neighbours that it has been stolen within iii days, and after that let him ask for his ‘ceap-gild.’

“9. and let it not be denied nor concealed, if our lord or any of our reeves should suggest to us any addition to our ‘frith-gilds’ that we will joyfully accept the same, as it becomes us all, and may be advantageous to us. but let us trust in god, and our kingly lord, if we fulfil all things thus, that the affairs of all folk will be better with respect to theft than they before were. if,

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however, we slacken in the ‘frith’ and the ‘wed’ which we have given, and the king has commanded of us, then may we expect, or well know, that these thieves will prevail yet more than they did before. but let us keep our ‘weds’ and the ‘frith’ as is pleasing to our lord; it greatly behoves us that we devise that which he wills; and if he order and instruct us more, we shall be humbly ready.

“ninth.

“that we have ordained: respecting those thieves whom one cannot immediately discover to be guilty, and one afterwards learns that they are guilty and liable; that the lord or the kinsmen should release him in the same manner as those men are released who are found guilty at the ordeal.

“tenth.

“that all the ‘witan’ gave their ‘weds’ altogether to the archbishop at thunresfeld, when ælfeah stybb and brihtnoth odda’s son came to meet the ‘gemot’ by the king’s command; that each reeve should take the ‘wed’ in his own shire: that they would all hold the ‘frith’ as king æthelstan and his ‘witan’ had counselled it, first at greatanlea, and again at exeter, and afterwards at feversham, and a fourth time at thunresfeld, before the archbishop and all the bishops, and his ‘witan’ whom the king himself named, who were thereat: that those dooms should be observed which were fixed at this ‘gemot,’ except those which were there before done away with; which was, sunday marketing, and that with full and true witness any one might buy out of port.

“eleventh.

“that æthelstan commands his bishops and his ‘ealdormen’ and all his reeves over all my realm, that ye so hold the ‘frith’ as i and my ‘witan’ have ordained; and if any of you neglect it, and will not obey me, and will not take the ‘wed’ of his ‘hiremen,’ and he allow of secret compositions, and will not attend to these regulations as i have commanded, and it stands in our writs; then be the reeve without his ‘folgoth’, and without my friendship,

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and pay me cxx shilling; and each of my thanes who has land, and will not keep the regulations as i have commanded, [let him pay] half that.

“twelfth.

“1. that the king now again has ordained to his ‘witan’ at witlanburh, and has commanded it to be made known to the archbishop by bishop theodred, that it seemed to him too cruel that so young a man should be killed, and besides for so little, as he has learned has somewhere been done. he then said, that it seemed to him, and to those who counselled with him, that no younger person should be slain than xv years, except he should make resistance or flee, and would not surrender himself; that then he should be slain, as well for more as for less, whichever it might be. but if he be willing to surrender himself, let him be put into prison, as it was ordained at greatanlea, and by the same let him be redeemed.

“2. or if he come not into prison, and they have none, that they take him in ‘borh’ by his full ‘wer,’ that he will evermore desist from every kind of evil. if the kindred will not take him out, nor enter into ‘borh’ for him, then let him swear as the bishop may instruct him, that he will desist from every kind of evil, and stand in servitude by his ‘wer.’ but if he after that again steal, let him be slain or hanged, as was before done to the elder ones.

“3. and the king has also ordained, that no one should be slain for less property than xii pence worth, unless he will flee or defend himself; and that then no one should hesitate, though it were for less. if we it thus hold, then trust i in god that our ‘frith’ will be better than it has before been.”

the following flemish charters of liberties seemed to me fitting to be recorded here. they are taken from the ‘piéces justificatives’ of warnkönig’s history of flanders, vol. ii.

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i. première charte ou keure de la ville de st. omer, accordée par guillaume de normandie, comte de flandre, et confirmée par louis-le-gros, roi de france. 14 avril 1127.

“ego guillelmus dei gratia flandrensium comes petitioni burgensium sancti audomari contraïre nolens, pro eo maxime quia meam de consulatu flandriæ petitionem libenti animo receperunt, et quia honestius et fidelius cæteris flandrensibus erga me semper se habuerunt, lagas seu consuetudines subscriptas perpetuo eis iuro concedo, et ratas manere præcipio.

“§ 1. primo quidem ut erga unumquemque hominem, pacem eis faciam et eos sicut homines meos sine malo ingenio manuteneam et defendam; rectumque iudicium scabinorum erga unumquemque hominem, et erga me ipsum eis fieri concedam; ipsisque scabinis libertatem, qualem melius habent scabini terræ meæ constituam.

Ҥ 2. si quis burgensium sancti audomari alicui pecuniam suam crediderit, et ille cui credita est, coram legitimis hominibus et in villa sua hereditariis sponte concesserit, quod si die constituta pecuniam non persolverit, ipse vel bona eius, donec omnia reddat, retineantur: si persolvere noluerit, aut si negaverit hanc conventionem, et testimonio duorum scabinorum, vel duorum iuratorum inde convictus fuerit, donec debitum solvat, retineatur.

“§ 3. si quis de iure christianitatis ab aliquo interpellatus fuerit, de villa sancti audomari alias pro iustitia exequenda, non exeat: sed in eadem villa coram episcopo vel eius archidiacono, vel suo presbytero, quod iustum est clericorum, scabinorumque iudicio exequatur: nec respondeat alicui, nisi tribus de causis; videlicet de infractura ecclesiæ, vel atrii, de lesione clerici, de oppressione et violatione feminæ: quod si de aliis causis querimonia facta fuerit coram iudicibus et præposito meo hoc finiatur. sic enim coram k. comite et episcopo johanne statutum fuit.

“§ 4. libertatem vero, quam antecessorum meorum temporibus habuerunt eis concedo. scilicet quod nunquam de terra sua in expeditionem proficiscentur, excepto si hostilis exercitus terram flandriæ invaserit; tunc me et terram meam defendere debebunt.

Ҥ 5. omnes qui gildam eorum habent, et ad illam pertinent,

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et infra cingulam villæ suæ manent, liberos omnes a teloneo facio, ad portum dichesmudæ et graveningis; et per totam terram flandriæ, eos liberos a sewerp facio. apud batpalmas teloneum, quale donant atrebatenses, eis constituo.

Ҥ 6. quisquis eorum ad terram imperatoris pro negotiatione sua perexerit, a nemine meorum hansam persolvere cogatur.

“§ 7. si contigerit mihi aliquo tempore præter terram flandriæ aliam conquirere, aut si concordia pacis inter me et avunculum meum h. regem angliæ facta fuerit, in conquisita terra illa aut in toto regno anglorum eos liberos ab omni teloneo et ab omni consuetudine in concordia illa recipi faciam.

“§ 8. in omni mercato flandriæ si quis clamorem adversus eos suscitaverit iudicium scabinorum de omni clamore sine duello subeant; ab duello vero ulterius liberi sint.

Ҥ 9. omnes qui infra murum sancti audomari habitant et deinceps sunt habitaturi, liberos a cavagio hoc est a capitali censu, et de advocationibus constituo.

“§ 10. pecuniam eorum quæ post mortem comitis k. eis ablata est, et quæ propter fidelitatem quam erga me habent adhuc eis detinetur, aut infra annum reddi faciam, aut iudicio scabinorum institiam eis fieri concedam.

“§ 11. præterea rogaverunt regem franciæ et raulphum de parona, ut ubicumque in terram illorum venerint, liberi sint ab omni teloneo, et traverso et passagio; quod et concedi volo.

“§ 12. communionem autem suam sicut eam iuraverunt permanere præcipio, et a nemine dissolvi permitto, et omne rectum rectamque iustitiam sicut melius stat in terra mea, scilicet in flandria, eis concedo.

“§ 13. et sicut meliores et liberiores burgenses flandriæ ab omni consuetudine liberos deinceps esse volo; nullum scoth, nullam taliam, nullam pecuniæ suæ petitionem ab eis requiro.

“§ 14. monetam meam in sancto audomaro unde per annum xxx libras habebam et quidquid in ea habere debeo, ad restaurationem damnorum suorum et gildæ suæ sustentamentum constituo. ipsi vero burgenses monetam per totam vitam meam stabilem et bonam, unde villa sua melioretur, stabiliant.

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“§ 15. custodes qui singulis noctibus per annum vigilantes castellum sancti audomari custodiunt, et qui præter feodum suum et præbendam sibi antiquitus constitutam in avena et caseis et in pellibus arietum, iniuste et violenter ab unaquaque domo in eadem villa, scilicet ad sanctum audomarum sanctumque bertinum in natali domini panem unum et denarium unum aut duos denarios exigere solent, aut pro hiis pauperum vadimonia tollebant, nihil omnino deinceps præter feodum suum et præbendam suam exigere audeant.

Ҥ 16. quisquis ad niuverledam venerit, undecumque venerit, licentiam habeat veniendi ad sanctum audomarum cum rebus suis in quacunque navi voluerit.

Ҥ 17. si cum boloniensium comite s. concordiam habuero, in illa reconciliatione eos a teloneo et seuwerp apud witsant et per totam terram eius liberos esse faciam.

“§ 18. pasturam adiacentem villæ sancti audomari in nemori, quod dicitur lo, et in paludibus et in pratis et in bruera et in hongrecoltra, usibus eorum, exceptâ terrâ lazarorum, concedo, sicut fuit tempore roberti comitis barbati.

“§ 19. mansiones quoque, quæ sunt in ministerio advocati sancti bertini, illas videlicet quæ inhabitantur, ab omni consuetudine liberas esse volo: dabuntque singulæ denarios xii in festo sancti michælis, et de brotban denarios xii et de byrban denarios xii. vacuæ autem nihil dabunt.

“§ 20. si quis extraneus aliquem burgensium sancti audomari agressus fuerit, et ei contumeliam vel iniuriam irrogaverit vel violenter ei sua abstulerit, et cum hac iniuria manus eius evaserit, postmodum vocatus a castellano vel uxore eius seu ab eius dapifero, infra triduum ad satisfactionem venire contempserit aut neglexerit; ipsi communiter iniuriam fratris sui in eo vindicabunt, in qua vindicta si domus diruta vel combusta fuerit, aut si quispiam vulneratus vel occisus fuerit, nullum corporis aut rerum suarum periculum, qui vindictam perpetravit, incurrat, nec offensam meam super hoc sentiat vel pertimescat; si vero, qui iniuriam intulit presentialiter tentus fuerit, secundum leges et consuetudines villæ presentialiter iudicabitur et secundum quantitatem

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facti punietur; scilicet oculum pro oculo, dentem pro dente, caput pro capite reddet.

Ҥ 21. de morte eustachii de stenford quicunque aliquem burgensium sancti audomari perturbaverit et molestaverit, reus proditionis et mortis k. comitis habeatur; quoniam pro fidelitate mea factum est, quidquid de eo factum est; et sicut iuravi et fidem dedi, sic eos erga parentes eius reconciliare et pacificare volo.

“§ 25. hanc igitur communionem tenendam, has supradictas consuetudines et conventiones esse observandas fide promiserunt et sacramento confirmaverunt: ludovicus rex francorum, guillelmus comes flandriæ, raulphus de parona, hugo candavena, hosto castellanus, et guillelmus frater eius, robertus de bethuna, et guillelmus filius eius, anselmus de hesdinio, stephanus comes boloniensis, manasses comes gisnensis, galterus de lillers, balduinus gandavensis, hiuvannus frater eius, rogerus castellanus insulensis, et robertus filius eius, razo de gavera, daniel de tenremot, helias de sensen, henricus de brocborc, eustachius advocatus, et arnulphus filius eius, castellanus gandavensis, gervasius petrus dapifer, stephanus de seningaham. confirmatum est hoc privilegium et a comite guillelmo et prædictis baronibus istis fide et sacramento sancitum, et collaudatum anno dominicæ incarnationis mcxxvii, xviii kl. maii, feria va die festo sancti tiburtii et valeriani.”

ii. additions et changemens faits à la keure précédente par le comte thierri d’alsace. 22 août 1128.

Ҥ 1. monetam quam burgenses sancti audomari habuerant, comiti liberam reddiderunt eo quod eos benignius tractaret, et lagas suas eis libentius ratas teneret: et insuper ut ceteri flandrenses eidem sua incrementa celerius redderent.

Ҥ 2. teloneum vero suum ab eodem in perpetuo censu receperunt, quotannis c solidos dando.

“§ 3. si quis etiam eorum mortuo aliquo consanguineo suo, portionem aliquam possessionis illius sibi obvenire credens et in comitatu flandriæ manens, cum eo, qui possessionem illam tenebit, vel partiri infra annum neglexerit, vel eum super hoc per iudices et

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scabinos minime convenerit; qui per annum integrum sine legitima calumnia tenuerit, quiete deinceps teneat, et nulli super hoc respondeat. si autem heres in comitatu flandriæ non fuerit, infra annum, quo redierit, cum possessore agat supradicto modo: alioquin qui tenebit sine ulla inquietatione teneat. si autem herede aliquandiu peregre commorante, et cum redierit portionem suam requirente, possidens se cum eo partitum esse dixerit, si ille per quinque scabinos probare falsum esse poterit, hereditas quæ eum attingit ei reddetur: alioquin possidens per quatuor legitimos viros se ei portionem suam dedisse probabit; et ita quietus erit. quod si heres infra annos discretionis fuerit, pater vel mater, si supervixerint, vel qui eum manutenebit, portionem quæ illum attinget scabinis et aliis legitimis viris infra annum obitus illius ostendat, et si eis visum fuerit quod ille fideliter servare debeat, ei comittatur. sin autem iudicio et providentia illorum ita disponatur, ne heres damnum alioquod patiatur; et cum ad annos discretionis venerit, et opportunum fuerit, hereditate sua integre et sine aliqua diminutione investiatur.

“§ 4. item si quis alicui filium suum, vel filiam in matrimonio coniunxerit, et filius ille, vel filia sine prole obierint, ad patrem et matrem eorum si supervixerint, si autem mortui fuerint ad alios filios eorum, vel filios filiorum redeat hereditas quæ pertinebat ad filium vel filiam, quos aliis matrimonio copulaverant; et viventibus patre vel matre eorum hereditas illa cum supradictis personis tantum dividatur: mortuis autem illis propinquiores consanguinei illam, prout iustum est, sortiantur.

“hanc igitur communionem tenendam, et supradictas institutiones et conventiones esse observandas fide promiserunt et sacramento confirmaverunt theodoricus, comes flandriæ, willelmus castellanus sancti audomari, willelmus de lo, iwannus de gandavo, danihel de tenramunda, raso de gavera, gislebertus de bergis, henricus de broburc, castellanus de gandavo, gervasius de brugis.—præfati barones insuper iuraverunt, quod si comes burgenses sancti audomari extra consuetudines suas eiicere et sine iudicio scabinorum tractare vellet, se a comite discessuros et cum eis remansuros, donec comes eis suas consuetudines integre

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restitueret et iudicium scabinorum eos subire permitteret. actum anno dominicæ incarnationis mcxxviii in octavis assumptionis beatæ mariæ.”

iii. charte de donation du fonds de la gild-halle de st. omer aux bourgeois de cette ville. 1151.

“ego theodoricus dei patientia flandrensium comes, consensu uxoris meæ sibillæ, concedente ita quoque philippo filio meo, terram in qua ghildhalla apud sanctum audomarum in foro sita est, cum scopis et adpenditiis suis tam ligneis quam lapideis, burgensibus eiusdem villæ hereditario iure possidendam, et ad omnem mercaturam tam in appenditiis, quam in ghildhalla exercendam tradidi: hanc quoque libertatem eis concessi, ut si quis in eam venerit, undecunque reus fuerit, in ipsa domo iudici in eum manum non mittere licebit; ille autem sub cuius custodia ghildhalla tenetur, admonitus a iudice reum extra limen ghildhallæ conducens nisi fideiussione se defenderit, in præsentia duorum scabinorum vel plurium eum iudici tradet: iudex vero eum in potestate sua habens secundum quantitatem facti cum eo aget. illud quoque addidimus, quod alienus negotiator nusquam, nisi in prædicta domo aut in appendiciis eius, vel in pleno foro merces suas vendendas exponat aut vendat. solis autem burgensibus in foro, in ghildhalla, seu magis velint, is propria domo sua, vendere liceat.

“quoniam autem humana omnia ex rerum et temporum varietate senescunt, sigilli mei auctoritate et subscriptorum testimonio hoc corroboravi. walterus castellanus sancti audomari, arnoldus comes de gisnes, gerardus præpositus, arnulphus de arde, henricus castellanus de brübborg, elenardus de sinningehem, hugo de ravensberghe, baldevinus de bailgul, michael iunior, christianus de aria, guido castellanus de bergis, rogerus de wavrin, helinus filius eius.”

iv. keure de bruges. vers 1190.

“hæc est lex et consuetudo quam brugenses tenere debent a comite philippo instituta. si quis alicui vulnus fecerit infra pontem sanctæ mariæ, infra botrebeika, infra usque ad domum galteri

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calvi, infra usque ad domum lanikini carpentarii, supra terram balduini de prat, infra fossatum veteris molendini, et illud veritate scabinorum cognoscatur de quacunque re factum sit, ad domum in qua ille manet, qui vulnus imposuit, per scabinos et per iustitiam comitis submoncatur. qui submonitus, si scabinis se præsentet, veritate inquisita de illo qui vulnus fecerit per sexaginta libras forefactum emendet, et si scabini sciunt quod vulnus non fecerit, liber et in pace remanebit. si die quâ submonebitur se non præsentaverit, remanebat in forefacto sexaginta librarum, et si scabini voluerint domum eius prosternere, poterunt et in respectum ponere, sed ex toto condonare non possunt nisi voluntate comitis.

“2. si verò quis aliquem in domo suâ assiluerit, unde clamor factus sit, scabini et iustitia domum ibunt inspicere: et si scabini poterunt videre, assultum esse apparentem, ille de quo clamor factus est submoneri debet; qui si scabinis se præsentaverit et illum intellexerint assultum fecisse, lx libras amittet. si vero cognoverint illum assultum non fecisse, liber et in pace recedat. si autem ad diem submonitionis venire noluerit, domo ejus prostrata lx librarum reus erit. quod si alii assultui interfuerint, de quibus clamor factus non sit, si comes super hoc veritatem scabinorum requisierit, scabini veritatem inquirere debent, et quotquot veritate scabinorum de assultu tenebuntur, unusquisque eorum lx librarum reus erit, ac si de eo clamor factus sit. si vero scabini nullum assultum agnoscere potuerunt ab ipsis super hoc veritas est inquirenda.

“3. qui cum armis molutis infra præfinitos terminos aliquem fugaverit, si veritate scabinorum convincatur forisfacto librarum lx tenebitur: si aliquis assiliatur, quidquid ipse faciat in defendendo corpus suum nullo tenebitur forisfacto.

“4. qui aliquem bannitum occiderit in hoc nullum facit forisfactum.

“5. quicumque testimonio scabinorum convictus fuerit de rapina, lx lib. de forisfacto dabit et dampnum rapinæ restituet.

“6. qualemcunque concordiam bannitus faciat comiti, remanebit tamen bannitus, donec viris brugensibus ad opus castri lx solidos dederit.

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“7. qui bannitum de forefacto lx libr. hospitio susceperit, veritate scabinorum convictus lx libras amittet.

“8. qui aliquem fuste vel baculo percusserit, convictus a scabinis in forisfacto x lib. incidit de quibus comes habebit v lib. castellanus xx sol. ille qui percussus est lx sol. et ad opus castri xx sol.

“9. qui pugno vel palma aliquem percusserit seu per capillos acceperit inde per scabinos convictus lx sol. dabit unde xxx solidi comitis erunt, percussi xv sol. castallani x sol. ad opus castri v sol. qui aliquem per capillos ad terram traxerit sive per lutum trahendo pedibus conculcaverit, x lib. comiti dabit, maletractato xv solidos, castellano x sol. et ad castrum v solidos.

“10. qui vero alicui convitia dixerit, si testimonio duorum scabinorum convincatur, illi cui convicia dixerit v solidos dabit, iusticiæ xii denarios.

“11. qui duobus scabinis aut pluribus inducias pacis, quæ treuiæ dicuntur, de quâlibet discordiâ dare noluerit, illud emendabit per lx lib.

“12. si dissensiones aut discordiæ aut guerræ aut aliquod aliud malum inter probos viros oppidi exoriatur, unde ad aures scabinorum clamor perveniat, salvo iure comitis, scabini illud componere et pacificare poterunt. qui verò compositionem vel pacem quam super hoc scabini consolidaverint, sequi noluerit, forisfactum lx lib. incurret.

“13. qui ea dedixerit quæ scabini in iudicio vel testimonio affirmaverint, lx lib. amittet, et unicuique scabinorum qui ab co dedictus erit x libras dabit.

“14. quicumque per vim fœminam violaverit, si de eo veritate scabinorum convincatur, eâdem pœnâ dampnabitur, quantâ a prædecessoribus comitibus, tales malefactores dampnari solent in flandriâ.

“15. quicumque per malum in scabinos manum suam immiserit, si scabini illud testificentur, lx libras dabit.

“16. præterea sciant omnes, quod vir de oppido brugensi, cuiuscumque forisfacti se reum fecerit, non amplius quam lx libr. amittere poterit, nisi legitime per scabinos convictus fuerit de raptu,

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ut dictum est, vel de latrocinio, vel de falsitate, vel nisi hominem occiderit. qui verò occiderit hominem, caput pro capite dabit, et omnia sua in potestate comitis erunt absque omni contradictione, si de homicidio veritate scabinorum teneatur.

“17. nemo infra præfinitos terminos manens infra muros castri gladium ferat, nisi sit mercator vel alius qui gratiâ negocii sui per castrum transeat. si verò castrum intraverit causâ inibi morandi, gladium extra in suburbio dimittat. quod si non fecerit, lx solidos et gladium amittet. iusticiis vero comitis et ministris earum, quia pacem castri observare debent, nocte et die infra castrum arma ferre licebit. viris etiam brugensibus gladium portare et reportare licebit, dummodo castro exeant festinanter. si quis autem eorum moras faciendo, vel per castrum vagando, gladium portaverit, lx solid. et gladium amittet.

“18. si scabini gratiâ emendationis villæ assensu iustitiæ comitis bannum in pane et vino et cæteris mercibus constituerint, medietas eorum quæ ex banno provenient, comitis erit, et altera medietas castellani et oppidi.

“19. si mercator sive alius homo extraneus ante scabinos iustitiæ causâ venerit, si illi, de quibus conqueritur presentes sint vel inveniri possint infra tertium diem vel saltem infra octavum, plenariam ei scabini iustitiam faciant iuxta legem castri.

“20. nemini in foro comitis stallos locare licebit, quod si locaverit et veritate scabinorum super hoc convictus fuerit, lx solidos comiti dabit.

“21. si aliquis de infracturis castri coram scabinis falsum testimonium portaverit si scabini illud cognoverint lx libras amittet.

“22. quando aliquis scabinus decedet, alius ei substituetur electione comitis non aliter.

“23. si scabinus testimonio scabinorum parium suorum de falsitate convictus fuerit, ipse et omnia sua in potestate comitis erunt.

“24. si scabini a comite vel a ministro comitis submoniti, falsum super aliqua re iudicium fecerint, veritate scabinorum atrebatensium, sive aliorum qui eandem legem tenent, comes eos convincere poterit; et si convicti fuerint, ipsi et omnia sua in potestate

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comitis erunt. quoties verò super huiusmodi falsitate submoniti fuerint, nullatenus contradicere poterunt, quin diem sibi a comite praefixum teneant, ubicumque comes voluerit in flandriâ.

“25. de omnibus verò aliis causis ad comitem pertinentibus, brugis in castello vel ante castellum placita tenebunt in praesentia comitis vel illius quem loco suo ad iustitiam tenendam instituerit. instituto autem ad eius submonitionem de omnibus tanquam comiti respondebunt, quamdiù in hoc servitio comitis erit.

“ad hoc nec scabini nec brugenses aliquid addere, mutare, vel corrigere poterunt, nisi per consilium comitis vel illius quem loco suo ad iustitiam tenendam instituerit.

v. ordonnance du comte philippe d’alsace, sur les attributs des baillis en flandre. vers 1178.

“hæc sunt puncta, quæ per universam terram suam comes observari præcepit.

Ҥ 1. primo qui hominem occiderit, caput pro capite dabit.

Ҥ 2. item baillivus comitis poterit arrestare hominem qui forefecit sine scabinis donec ante scabinos veniat, et per consilium eorum plegium accipiat de forisfacto.

“§ 3. item si baillivus volens hominem arrestare, non potuerit et auxilium vocaverit, qui primus fuerit, et baillivum non adiuverit in forisfacto erit, sicut scabini considerabunt; nisi forte ostendere quis potuerit per scabinos quod ille qui arrestandus erat, inimicus eius sit de mortali faidâ; et tunc sine forisfacto erit licet baillivum non adiuverit ad capiendum suum inimicum.

“§ 4. item baillivus comitis erit cum scabinis, qui eligent probos viros villæ ad faciendas tallias et assisas, sed cum talliabunt scabini vel iudicia facient, vel inquisitiones veritatis, vel protractiones, non intererit baillivus: aliis autem consiliis quæ ad utilitatem villæ pertinebunt, baillivus intererit cum scabinis, scriptum autem talliæ et assisæ reddent scabini baillivo, si postulaverit.

Ҥ 5. item baillivus accipiet forisfactum adiudicatum comiti per scabinos, ubicumque illud invenerit extra ecclesiam et ubicumque accipi debet per scabinos.

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“§ 6. item qui bannitum de pecuniâ receptaverit eâdem lege de pecuniâ tenebitur quâ bannitus; et si fuerit capite bannitus qui receptatus est, tunc receptans tenebitur de forisfacto lx lib. quod si vir domi non fuerit, et ejus uxor bannitum receptaverit, rediensque vir, tertiâ manu proborum virorum iurare potuerit: quod bannitum in domam suam receptum esse nescierit; sine forisfacto remanebit: si autem absentiâ mariti, uxori prohibitum fuerit per scabinos, ne bannitum receptet, de cætero non poterit eum sine forisfacto receptare.

“§ 7. item de quindenâ in quindenam, habet comes, vel baillivus ex eius parte, veritatem si voluerit.

“§ 8. item domus diruenda judicio scabinorum, post quindenam a scabinis indultam, quandocunque comes præceperit, aut baillivus eius, diruetur a communia villæ, campana pulsata per scabinos: et qui ad diruendam domum illam non venerit, in forisfacto erit, sicut scabini considerabunt, nisi talem excusationem habuerit, quæ scabinis sufficiens videatur.

“§ 9. item pater non poterit forisfacere domum vel rem filiorum, quæ eis ex parte matris contingit; nec filii poterunt forisfacere rem vel domum patris, quæ ex parte patris venit.

Ҥ 10. item si homo per scabinos domum suam sine scampo invadiaverit, eam forisfacere non poterit, nisi salvo catallo eius, qui domum illam vadet in vadio.

“§ 11. item fugitivus de aliquâ villâ pro debito, si in aliâ villâ inventus fuerit, arrestabitur, et ad villam, de quâ fugerat, reducetur, et iudicium scabinorum illius villæ subire cogetur.

“§ 12. item si quis vulneratus fuerit, et videatur scabinis’ quod non sit vulneratus ad mortem, et postea de illo vulnere mortuus fuerit, scabini non erunt in forisfacto contra comitem, qui minorem plegiaturam acceperunt de eo qui cum vulneravit, quam si mortaliter fuisset vulneratus.”

the following charters of the french communes are taken from m. thierry’s lettres sur l’histoire de france.

i. charte de beauvais.—“tous les hommes domiciliés dans l’enceinte du mur de ville et dans les faubourgs, de quelque seigneur que relève le terrain où ils habitent, prêteront serment à la commune.

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dans toute l’étendue de la ville, chacun prêtera secours aux autres, loyalement et selon son pouvoir.

“treize pairs seront élus par la commune, entre lesquels, d’après le vote des autres pairs et de tous ceux qui auront juré la commune, un ou deux seront créés majeurs.

“le majeur et les pairs jureront de ne favoriser personne de la commune pour cause d’amitié, de ne léser personne pour cause d’inimitié, et de donner en toute chose, selon leur pouvoir, une décision équitable. tous les autres jureront d’obéir et de prêter main forte aux décisions du majeur et des pairs[1036].

“quiconque aura forfait envers un homme qui aura juré cette commune, le majeur et les pairs, si plainte leur en est faite, feront justice du corps et des biens du coupable.

“si le coupable se réfugie dans quelque château fort, le majeur et les pairs de la commune parleront sur cela au seigneur du château ou à celui qui sera en son lieu; et si, à leur avis, satisfaction leur est faite de l’ennemi de la commune, ce sera assez; mais si le seigneur refuse satisfaction, ils se feront justice à eux-mêmes sur ses hommes.

“si quelque marchand étranger vient à beauvais pour le marché, et que quelqu’un lui fasse tort ou injure dans les limites de la banlieue; si plainte en est faite au majeur et aux pairs, et que le marchand puisse trouver son malfaiteur dans la ville, la majeur et les pairs en feront justice, à moins que le marchand ne soit un des ennemis de la commune.

“nul homme de la commune ne devra prêter ni créancer son argent aux ennemis de la commune tant qu’il y aura guerre avec eux, car s’il le fait il sera parjure; et si quelqu’un est convaincu de leur avoir prêté ou créance quoique ce soit, justice sera faite de lui, selon que le majeur et les pairs en décideront.

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“s’il arrive que le corps des bourgeois marche hors de la ville contre ses ennemis, nul le parlamentera avec eux si ce n’est avec licence du majeur et des pairs.

“si quelqu’un de la commune a confié son argent à quelqu’un de la ville, et que celui auquel l’argent aura été confié se réfugie dans quelque château fort, le seigneur du château, en ayant reçu plainte, ou rendra l’argent ou chassera le débiteur de son château; et s’il ne fait ni l’une ni l’autre de ces choses, justice sera faite sur les hommes de ce château.

“si quelqu’un enlève de l’argent à un homme de la commune et se réfugie dans quelque château fort, justice sera faite sur lui si on peut le recontrer, ou sur les hommes et les biens du seigneur du château, à moins que l’argent ne soit rendu.

“s’il arrive que quelqu’un de la commune ait acheté quelque héritage et l’ait tenu pendant l’an et jour, et si quelqu’un vient ensuite réclamer et demander le rachat, il ne lui sera point fait de réponse, mais l’acheteur demeurera en paix.

“pour aucune cause la présente charte ne sera portée hors de la ville.”

ii. charter of the commune of laon.—“nul ne pourra se saisir d’aucun homme, soit libre, soit serf, sans le ministère de la justice.

“si quelqu’un a, de quelque manière que ce soit, fait tort à un autre, soit clerc, soit chevalier, soit marchand indigène ou étranger, et que celui qui a fait le tort soit de la ville, il sera sommé de se présenter en justice par-devant le majeur et les jurés, pour se justifier ou faire amende; mais s’il se refuse à faire réparation, il sera exclu de la ville avec tous ceux de sa famille. si les propriétés du délinquant en terres ou en vignes sont situées hors du territoire de la ville, le majeur et les jurés réclameront justice contre lui, de la part du seigneur dans le ressort duquel ses biens seront situés; mais si l’on n’obtient pas justice de ce seigneur, les jurés pourront faire dévaster les propriétés du coupable. si le coupable n’est pas de la ville, l’affaire sera portée devant la cour del’évêque, et si, dans le délai do cinq jours, la forfaiture n’est pas reparée, le majeur et les jurés en tireront selon leur pouvoir.

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“en matière capitale, la plainte doit d’abord être portée devant le seigneur justicier dans le ressort duquel aura été pris le coupable, ou devant son bailli s’il est absent; et si le plaignant ne peut obtenir justice ni de l’un ni de l’autre, il s’adressera aux jurés.

“les censitaires ne paieront à leur seigneur d’autre cens que celui qu’ils le doivent par tête. s’ils ne le paient pas au temps marqué, ils seront punis selon la loi qui les régit, mais n’accorderont rien en sus à leur seigneur que de leur propre volonté.

“les hommes de la commune pourront prendre pour femmes les filles des vassaux ou des serfs de quelque seigneur que ce soit, à l’exception des seigneuries et des églises qui font partie de cet commune. dans les familles de ces dernières ils ne pourront prendre des épouses sans le consentement du seigneur.

“aucun étranger censitaire des églises ou des chevaliers de la ville ne sera compris dans la commune que du consentement de son seigneur.

“quiconque sera reçu dans cet commune, bâtira une maison dans le délai d’un an, ou achetera des vignes, ou apportera dans la ville assez d’effets mobiliers pour que justice puisse être faite, s’il y a quelque plainte contre lui. les main-mortes sont entièrement abolies. les tailles seront réparties de manière que tout homme devant taille paie seulement quatre deniers à chaque terme et rien de plus, à moins qu’il n’ait une terre devant taille, à laquelle il tienne assez pour consentir à payer la taille.”

iii. charter of the commune of amiens.—“chacun gardera fidélité à son juré et lui prêtera secours et conseil en tout ce qui est juste.

“si quelqu’un viole sciemment les constitutions de la commune et qu’il en soit convaincu, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison et ne lui permettra point d’habiter dans ses limites jusqu’à ce qu’il ait donné satisfaction.

“quiconque aura sciemment reçu dans sa maison un ennemi de la commune et aura communiqué avec lui, soit en vendant et achetant, soit en buvant et mangeant, soit en lui prêtant un secours quelconque, ou lui aura donné aide et conseil contre le commune, sera coupable de lèse-commune, et, à moins qu’il ne donne promptement

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satisfaction en justice, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison.

“quiconque aura tenu devant témoin des propos injurieux pour la commune, si la commune en est informée, et que l’inculpé refuse de répondre en justice, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison et ne lui permettra pas d’habiter dans ses limites jusqu’à ce qu’il ait donné satisfaction.

“si quelqu’un attaque de paroles injurieuses le majeur dans l’exercice de sa juridiction, sa maison sera démolie, ou il paiera rançon pour sa maison en la miséricorde des juges.

“que nul n’ait la hardiesse de vexer au passage, dans la banlieue de la cité, les personnes domiciliées dans la commune, ou les marchands qui viennent à la ville pour y vendre leurs denrées. si quelqu’un ose le faire, il sera réputé violateur de la commune et justice sera faite sur sa personne ou sur ses biens.

“si un membre de la commune enlève quelque chose à l’un de ses jurés, il sera sommé par le maire et les échevins de comparaître en présence de la commune, et fera réparation suivant l’arrêt des échevins.

“si le vol a été commis par quelqu’un qui ne soit pas de la commune, et que cet homme ait refusé de comparaître en justice dans les limites de la banlieue, la commune, après l’avoir notifié aux gens du château où le coupable a son domicile, le saisira, si elle le peut, lui ou quelque chose qui lui appartienne, et le retiendra jusqu’à ce qu’il ait fait réparation.

“quiconque aura blessé avec armes un de ses jurés, à moins qu’il ne se justifie par témoins et par le serment, perdra le poing ou paiera neuf livres, six pour les fortifications de la ville et de la commune, et trois pour la rançon de son poing; mais s’il est incapable de payer, il abandonnera son poing à la miséricorde de la commune.

“si un homme, qui n’est pas de la commune, frappe ou blesse quelqu’un de la commune, et refuse de comparaître en jugement, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison; et si elle parvient à le saisir, justice sera faite de lui par-devant le majeur et les échevins.

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“quiconque aura donné à l’un de ses jurés les noms de serf, récréant, traître ou fripon, paiera vingt sous d’amende.

“si quelque membre de la commune a sciemment acheté ou vendu quelque article provenant de pillage, il le perdra et sera tenu de le restituer aux dépouillés, à moins qu’eux-mêmes ou leurs seigneurs n’aient forfait en quelque chose contre la commune.

“dans les limites de la commune, on n’admettra aucun champion gagé au combat contre l’un de ses membres.

“en toute espèce de cause, l’accusateur, l’accusé et les témoins s’expliqueront, s’ils le veulent, par avocat.

“tous ces articles, ainsi que les ordonnances du majeur et de la commune, n’ont force de loi que de juré à juré: il n’y a pas égalité en justice entre le juré et le non-juré.”

iv. charter of the commune of soissons.—“tous les hommes habitant dans l’enceinte des murs de la ville de soissons et en dehors dans le faubourg, sur quelque seigneurie qu’ils demeurent, jureront la commune: si quelqu’un s’y refuse, ceux qui l’auront jurée feront justice de sa maison et de son argent.

“dans les limites de la commune, tous les hommes s’aideront mutuellement, selon leur pouvoir, et ne souffriront en nulle manière que qui que ce soit enlève quelque chose ou fasse payer des tailles à l’un d’entre eux.

“quand la cloche sonnera pour assembler la commune, si quelqu’un ne se rend pas à l’assemblée, il payera douze deniers d’amende.

“si quelqu’un de la commune a forfait en quelque chose, et refuse de donner satisfaction devant les jurés, les hommes de la commune en feront justice.

“les membres de cette commune prendront pour épouses les femmes qu’ils voudront, après en avoir demandé la permission aux seigneurs dont ils relèvent; mais, si les seigneurs s’y refusaient, et que, sans l’aveu du sien, quelqu’un prît une femme relevant d’une autre seigneurie, l’amende qu’il paierait dans ce cas, sur la plainte de son seigneur, serait de cinq sols seulement.

“si un étranger apporte son pain ou son vin dans la ville pour

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les y mettre en sûreté, et qu’ensuite un différend survienne entre son seigneur et les hommes de cette commune, il aura quinze jours pour vendre son pain et son vin dans la ville et emporter l’argent, à moins qu’il n’ait forfait ou ne soit complice de quelque forfaiture.

“si l’évêque de soissons amène par mégarde dans la ville un homme qui ait forfait envers un membre de cette commune, après qu’on lui aura remontré que c’est l’un des ennemis de la commune, il pourra l’emmener cette fois; mais ne le ramènera en aucune manière, si ce n’est avec l’aveu de ceux qui ont charge de maintenir la commune.

“toute forfaiture, hormis l’infraction de commune et la vieille haine, sera punie d’une amende de cinq sous.”

it would be easy to add other examples of these early covenants between the towns and their seigneurs: but enough seems to have been said, to illustrate the line of argument adopted in the text. there is no single point in all mediæval history of more importance than the manner in which the towns assumed their municipal form; and none in which the gradual progress of the popular liberties can be more securely traced. but all these compromises imply a long apprenticeship to freedom before the “master’s” dignity was attained: and great is the debt of gratitude we owe to those whose sufferings and labour have enabled us to understand and to record their struggles.