i was greatly interested in the method of government which i discovered to obtain in the empire of monomotapa during my last visit there. i say “during my last visit” because although, as everyone knows, i have repeatedly travelled in the more distant provinces of that state, i had never spent any time to speak of in the capital until i delayed there last month for the purpose of visiting a friend of mine who is one of the state assessors. he was good enough to explain to me many details of their constitution which i had not yet grasped, and i conceive it—now that i have a full comprehension of it—to be as wise a method of governing as it is a successful one.

i must first put before the reader the elements of the matter. every citizen in monomotapa takes a certain fixed rank in the state; for the inhabitants of that genial clime have at once too much common sense and too strict a training to talk nonsense about equality or any other similar metaphysical whimsey. every man, therefore, can precisely tell where he stands in relation to his fellows, and all those heart-burnings and jealousies which are the bane of other states are by this simple method at[122] once exorcised. moreover, the method by which a man’s exact place is determined is simplicity itself, for it reposes upon his yearly revenue; and there is a gradually ascending scale from the poorest, whose revenue may not amount from all sources to more than 40 tepas a month, to the supreme council, the wealthier members of which may have as much as 10,000,000 tepas a month, or even more. there is but one drawback to this admirably practical and straightforward way of ordering the state, which is that by a very ancient article of their religion the monomotapians are each forbidden to disclose to others what the state of their fortunes may be. it is the height of impertinence in any man, even a brother, to put questions upon the matter; all documents illuminating it are kept strictly secret, and though religious vows and binding oaths are very much disliked among this people, yet one is rigidly observed, which is that forbidding the divulgence by a bank of the sums of money entrusted to it by its clients. certain rash spirits have indeed proposed to destroy the anomaly and either to make some other standard arrange the order of society (which is unthinkable) or else to allow questions of money to be freely debated, and the incomes of all to be matter of public comment.

now, like many excellent and rational attempts at religious or social reform, these propositions must wholly fail in practice. as for setting up some other standard than that of wealth by which to[123] decide the importance of one’s fellow citizens, the monomotapians very properly regard such a proposal as fantastic to the point of buffoonery. nor, to do them justice, do those who propose the scheme seriously intend this part of it. they rather put it forward to emphasise the second half of their programme, which has much more to be said for it. but here a difficulty arises of a sort that often upsets the calculations of idealists, namely, that however much you change the laws you can with more difficulty change the customs of the people, and though you might compel all banking accounts to be audited, or even insist upon every man making a public return of his income, yet it is certain that the general opinion upon this matter would result, in practice, in much the same state of affairs as they now have. men would devise some other system than that of banks; their returns would be false, and there would be a sort of general unconscious conspiracy among all to support fraud in this matter.

my host next explained to me the manner in which laws are made among the monomotapians and the manner in which they are administered. it seems that by a fundamental rule of their constitution no law may be passed in less than twenty-five years, unless it can be proved to have its origin in terror.

if indeed those who are the wealthiest and therefore the most important in the state can prove to the satisfaction of all that they have gone blind[124] with panic, then indeed the passage of a law is permitted even in a few hours. thus, when a certain number of young gentlemen had so far forgotten their good breeding as to torture by way of sport considerable numbers of the poorer classes, one of these in his turn, oblivious to the rules of polite behaviour, so far forgot himself as to strike his young master in the face. it was under these circumstances, when the greater part of the governing classes had fled abroad, or were closely locked in behind their doors, that the “tortures restrictions bill” was passed; but this haste was even then regarded as somewhat indecent, and it would have been thought more honourable to have discussed the matter for at least two days. nominally, however, affairs of real importance cannot be legislated upon, as i have said, in less than twenty-five years. it is customary for the monomotapians first to wait until some neighbouring state has attempted a particular reform. when that reform has been working for some years, if it be successful in its working, the wealthier monomotapians begin to talk about it according to set rules. and it is again a fundamental point in their constitution that one-half of those who so debate must be for, the other half against the proposed change. the discussion is carried on by some seventy or eighty men, of whom two-thirds at least must possess a fortune of at least 1000 tepas a month, but it is customary to mix among them one or two men of exceptional poverty,[125] as this is imagined in some way or other to please the gods. the middle class, on account of their intolerable habit of referring to learned books and to the results of their travel, are very properly excluded. these, then, debate for a term of years, and when they are weary of it they will very often begin to debate again. meanwhile the institution or the reform upon which their discussion has turned will have taken root in those foreign countries which it is their pride to copy, and they can at last be certain that in following suit monomotapa will have nothing to lose. when all this is decided a certain number of men are set apart, the poorer of whom are given a sum of money and the wealthier certain titles on condition that they vote in favour of the change; while another body of men are set apart and rewarded in a precisely similar manner for giving a pledge of the opposite sort. but great care is taken that the first body shall be slightly larger than the second, for by an unexplained decision of their priests the force of a law depends upon the margin between the two bodies so chosen. these electors once named are put into an exceedingly narrow passage in which it would be difficult for any very stout person to move at all. at the end of the passage doors still narrower open upon the street, the door upon the left being used to record affirmative, that upon the right negative votes. the whole mass, which consists of near a thousand men, is then kindly but firmly pushed[126] by assistants of the king (as they are called) until its last member has been squeezed through one of the two doors. this process is immensely popular among the monomotapians, who will gather in crowds to cheer the wretched men whom avarice or ambition has devoted to so pleasant a task. and when they have come out, covered with sweat and perhaps permanently affected in their hearts by the ordeal, they are very often granted civic honours by their fellow-townsmen over and above the sums of money or titles which they have already received. with such frenzied delight do the monomotapians regard this singular practice that even women have lately petitioned to be permitted to join in the scrimmage. this they will undoubtedly be granted in cases where they can prove a certain wealth, for, indeed, there is no reason why an exercise of this sort should be confined to one sex. but it is understood that a certain part of the women of monomotapia, many of them also wealthy, are willing to pay money to prevent such a result, and if this indeed be the case a very curious situation, almost unknown in the annals of monomotapia, will arise; for since all government is in the hands of the rich, it is necessary that the rich should act together in serious affairs of state. and what on earth will happen when one section of the wealthy, whether men or women, are opposed to the actions of another section, it would indeed be difficult to determine. nor are the older men and the more[127] experienced without grave misgivings as to the issue of such an unprecedented conflict.

i cannot conclude without telling you briefly the manner in which their kings are elected, for it reflects in every detail at once the originality and the wisdom of this people.

there are in monomotapa some three or four hundred public halls in which is conducted the national sport, which consists in competitions between well-known talkers as to who can talk the longest without exhaustion, and it rapidly becomes known, through well-developed agencies of information as well as by public repute, which individuals have attained to the greatest proficiency in this regard. sometimes in the remotest province will arise a particular star, but more often it is in the metropolis or its neighbourhood that your really great talkers can be found; a man in the tradition of that great king of the last century who upon one occasion talked the clock round and was in reward for that feat permitted to hold the kingship for three terms in succession.

when by a process of elimination the two strongest talkers have been discovered, they are brought to the capital, set up upon a stage before a vast audience of assessors (of which my friend, as i have told you, was one), and begin talking one against the other with great rapidity, starting at a signal made by an official who is paid for this duty a very high salary indeed. it may well be imagined that[128] the interest in the struggle grows keen after the first few hours have passed. the panting breath, the discoloured cheeks, the drooping attitude of either competitor, call forth cheers of encouragement from his supporters and even murmurs of sympathy from his numerous judges. at last, it may be in the sixth or the seventh hour, one of the two goes groggy—if i may so express myself—he falters in his words, perhaps repeats himself, passes his hand to his forehead or takes a drink of gin (which, from its resemblance to water, is greatly favoured in these contests). such signals of distress are the beginning of the end. his successful rival, straining himself to one last effort, will pour out a great string of sentences of an approved pattern, dealing as a rule with the glories and virtues of those who have listened to him, of their ancestry, and their hold upon the monomotapian state, and as the defeated competitor falls lifeless to the floor this successful fellow is crowned amid the applause of the vast assembly. i was at the pains to ask whether it was necessary that these long harangues should make sense, for it seemed to me that this added labour would very materially handicap many men who might otherwise possess all the physical requirements of victory, and i was free to add that it would seem to me, at least, as a foreigner, very foolish to weigh down some fine athlete worthy of the crown by demanding of him the rare characteristics of the pedant. i was relieved to hear that[129] there was no obligation as to the choice of words used or the order in which they were to be pronounced, saving that they must be words in the vulgar tongue. but it seems, oddly enough, that the trainers in this sport after generations of experience have discovered that the competitors actually suffer less fatigue if they will repeat certain set and ritual phrases than if they take refuge in mere gibberish, just as men marching in step are said to suffer less fatigue than men marching at ease. so at least i was assured, but my insufficient acquaintance with the monomotapian tongue forbade me to make certain upon the matter.